Wood, a popular former lord mayor of London and enthusiastic promoter of civic improvements, was a committed radical reformer with a taste for rabble-rousing. He earned his living as a hop merchant, in partnership with Edward Wigan. In about 1820 the business moved from Falcon Square, Cripplegate (Wood’s aldermanic ward) across the Thames to St. Margaret’s Hill, Southwark. By 1825 Wigan had left and Wood’s brothers Benjamin and Philip and youngest son Western became variously involved in the concern, which by 1832, as Wood, Field and Wood, was back in the City at 25 Mark Lane. Wood had also held a substantial stake in the Cornish Wheal Crennis copper mine since 1812, but it had run into difficulties and at the start of this period was the subject of a chancery suit.
liberal as his political sentiments were, he was certain that nobody would accuse him of a desire to overturn the constitution; he was ready to check all mobs; and to do everything which a magistrate ought to do, to preserve the public peace.
He narrowly topped the poll, but Waithman and the Whig sitting Member Thorp were beaten. Tierney, the Whig leader in the Commons, partly blamed Wood’s selfishness (which Wood himself denied), while a Tory observer lamented that the livery were ‘still too much attached’ to such a ‘vain, foolish busybody’.
He made an immediate impact in the new Parliament by raising the case of George Edwards, the government informer involved in the Cato Street affair, on which he had obtained information in his capacity as a magistrate. Having failed to persuade Lord Sidmouth, the home secretary, to prosecute Edwards for treason and been frustrated in his bid to interrogate the condemned conspirators in Newgate, he shouted questions at Thistlewood on the scaffold, 1 May. Next day he moved that Edwards be brought to the bar, treating the matter as one of breach of privilege, but he was talked out of it by the Whig lawyer Henry Brougham. On 9 May, after detailing his correspondence with the home office, he moved for the appointment of a secret committee, but the sense of the House was overwhelmingly hostile to what the Whig Lord Althorp considered an ‘absurd’ proposition. Charles Williams Wynn* reported that Canning, for government, had ‘drubbed and exposed’ Wood and his few backers, and the backbencher Hudson Gurney agreed, though he thought that Canning had overdone his ‘demolition’ of Wood, who was ‘proved a very foolish meddler, but I believe an honest gull’. The Tory Member Henry Bankes, who dismissed Wood as ‘a meddling, busy and mischievous man’, was outraged by the ‘folly’ of his motion.
He had been corresponding with Queen Caroline (whom he had championed as princess of Wales in 1813) in Italy since mid-April 1820, and his eldest son, the Rev. John Page Wood, met her at Geneva. To the alarm of Brougham, her attorney-general, who denounced him as a ‘Jack Ass’ and a ‘jobbing fool’, alleging that he hoped to persuade her to buy the late duke of Kent’s villa near Ealing to relieve himself of some of the responsibility, as a trustee, for the duke’s debts, and to secure places in her household for his supporters in the livery, Wood went to France at the end of May.
Delighted by the abandonment of the bill of pains and penalties in November, he helped to organize the City’s celebrations and calls for restitution, attended Caroline’s thanksgiving at St. Paul’s and was one of the minority who opposed the court of aldermen’s loyal address to the king, 5 Dec. 1820.
On 8 Feb. 1822, when he voted in small minorities against coercive legislation for Ireland, he had printed the City corporation’s petition complaining of an assault by troops on Waithman, as sheriff of London, at Knightsbridge the previous August. His motion for inquiry, which was contemptuously seconded by his Tory colleague Curtis, was defeated by 184-56, 28 Feb. On 22 July he tried unsuccessfully to amend the contentious bill to regulate the London orphans’ fund coal duties.
Wood saw nothing wrong with the judicious use of treadmills in prisons, 19 Feb., though he did not wish women to be so punished, 5 Mar. 1824. He called for repeal of the wool tax, 20 Feb. Having on the 12th promoted a corporation petition for repeal of the coal duties, he pressed this matter when presenting other London petitions, 20, 23, 27 Feb., 8, 29 Mar., 12 Apr.
Wood was described by Daniel O’Connell* on their first acquaintance in February 1825 as having ‘the air of an honest man, cordial and frank’.
On the address, 3 Feb. 1826, Wood declared that the proposed relief would not assuage the ‘suffering of his constituents’: repeal of the corn laws and tax remissions were essential. He spoke in the same terms in common council on the 8th.
At a common hall, 19 Oct. 1826, Wood acquiesced in the call for revision of the corn laws, but pointed out that without an immediate reduction of extravagant expenditure it would be nugatory.
Peel, back in office as home secretary in the duke of Wellington’s ministry, was warned in late January 1828 that ‘some foolish fellow’ such as Wood might create parliamentary difficulties over the duke’s concurrent appointments as premier and commander-in-chief, but nothing came of this.
Wood divided for Catholic emancipation, 6, 30 Mar., endorsed London corporation’s favourable petition, 9 Mar., presented one from Pendlebury Dissenters, 18 Mar., and questioned the validity of signatures on the London and Westminster anti-Catholic petition, 19 Mar. 1829. That session he introduced bills to extend the scope of the St. Katharine’s Docks Act, to improve the approaches of London Bridge (which he defended, 23 Mar., 6 May), to give estate purchasing powers to the board of the London Workhouse, to improve Smithfield market and to start the East London railway. Only the two last failed to become law: the Smithfield bill, which he tried to save, 15 May, was thrown out by 54-31.
Wood divided against the address, 4 Feb. 1830. He voted as before on East Retford, 11 Feb., 15 Mar., again for Blandford’s reform plan, 18 Feb., and for the enfranchisement of Birmingham, Leeds and Manchester, 23 Feb., and in support of the Newark petition complaining of the duke of Newcastle’s electoral interference, 1 Mar. He was in the minorities for O’Connell’s radical reform scheme, as well as for Russell’s more moderate proposals, 28 May, when he reiterated his approval of the enfranchisement of City freeholders. He voted for tax reductions, 15 Feb., and presented and approved petitions to that effect from his ward, 16 Feb., 15 Mar. He divided steadily for economies and reduced taxation throughout the session. Although he supported the prayer of the London merchants’ distress and reform petition, 12 Mar., he reckoned that few in the City shared Waithman’s reservations about free trade. In common hall, 5 Apr., when Hunt proposed a string of resolutions calling for radical reform to relieve distress, Wood ascribed this to ‘the enormous amount of taxation’ and advocated a property tax to permit other remissions. He saw ‘no near prospect’ of reform, but he duly presented and supported the petition, 17 May.
At the ensuing general election Wood, who declared his undiminished support for ‘the reform of abuses’ and hostility to ‘extravagant expenditure’, and bragged about his dedicated attendance, was returned unopposed for London.
On 28 June 1831 Wood, who was nettled by smirks from ministers and some new Members, secured leave to reintroduce his rabies bill, threatening if necessary to divide the House ‘in order to see whether it cares more for its dogs than for the human species’. He presented it next day, but it made no further progress.
Wood voted for the second reading of the revised reform bill, 17 Dec.1831. He again gave general support to its details, though he was in Hunt’s minority of 11 for a tax-paying householder franchise, 2 Feb. 1832. He voted for the third reading, 22 Mar. He divided with ministers on the Russian-Dutch loan, 26 Jan., 12, 16, 20 July, relations with Portugal, 9 Feb., and the navy civil departments bill, 6 Apr.; but he was in the minority for information on military punishments, 16 Feb. On 17 Jan. he brought in a new London steam vessels bill, but, to his great annoyance, it was got rid of when his back was turned, 30 July.
In October 1831 the patronage secretary Ellice had told Lord Grey that ‘our friend’ Alderman Wood
was deeply grieved at no offer of a baronetcy being made to him, when you gave that distinction to his less worthy brother, Alderman Heygate*. If he could get a baronetcy conferred upon his namesake and relation ... [James] Wood of Gloucester, with remainder to the alderman and his heirs, he would obtain a more substantial advantage with it, and the settlement of a million of money on his family, to enable them to support the dignity. He calls Mr. Wood his relation. I believe he would have some difficulty in tracing the connection, but the object of the alderman’s ambition is to revive the dignity of baronet in his own person, which formerly belonged to a branch of his family. If that could be done through the alderman’s influence, the other consequences would flow from it. This would be barely an act of justice for poor Wood’s political conduct and adherence to the party, and a great act of kindness on your part.
On Ellice’s advice, Wood laid his case before Grey at the turn of the year; but the king had personal objections to him, and nothing came of the scheme.
Wood was returned in second place for London at the general election of 1832 and came in again at the next three elections.
