Lamb was a good natured, high spirited, noisy man, whose ebullience was often mistaken for coarseness. Sydney Smith took a dim view of him at a dinner party in 1826:
George Lamb made the usual quantity of noise; his only art in conversation seems to be to contradict plainly and plumply whatever is said upon the opposite side of the table, and then to burst out into a horse laugh, and this supplies the place of wit and sense.
Smith Letters, i. 427.
Henry Fox* found him ‘always vulgar and noisy’, but ‘entertaining’ and with ‘some share of humour’.
Lamb’s attempt at the general election of 1820 to retain the Westminster seat which he had spectacularly won for the Whigs against the radicals at the by-election of 1819 ended in failure. With Sir Francis Burdett secure in the other seat, the fight was between Lamb and his opponent of the previous year, John Cam Hobhouse*, who had just been released from his imprisonment for breach of privilege. Lamb’s ‘imprudent’ (as Lord Grey thought) canvassing letter to a Tory voter, in which he equated Hobhouse’s supporters with ‘the lower classes’ and asked for support to prevent the return of ‘a rejected candidate ... merely from the circumstance of ... [the Commons] having ventured to punish him for a flagrant insult and libel’, fell into enemy hands and was made public on the first day. Lamb, who could scarcely gain a hearing on the hustings throughout, boasted of having seconded Burdett’s parliamentary reform motion of 1819 and declared his support for the disfranchisement of ‘notoriously rotten’ boroughs for the benefit of ‘populous places’ and a limited extension of the franchise; but he dismissed the ‘wild and unintelligible system of reform’ advocated by the radicals. An exchange of insults on the fifth day, when Hobhouse called Lamb a liar for alleging that he had deliberately contrived his martyrdom as ‘an electioneering trick’, led Lamb to demand satisfaction the following morning. A duel seemed likely for several hours, but the affair ended tamely in mutual public retraction. With the Liverpool ministry this time refusing to intervene, Lamb, who failed to see the joke when he was pelted with mud, trailed badly from the start and, despite a late rally, finished almost 450 behind Hobhouse.
A fortnight later Tierney, the Whig leader in the Commons, acknowledged that of men left stranded, Lamb and Richard Sharp* had ‘the strongest claims upon anything which party can do’, but saw little immediate prospect of accommodating him.
In February 1822 Lamb secured a seat through the good offices of his wife’s half-brother, the 6th duke of Devonshire, who created a vacancy for him at Dungarvan. He reported from Ireland to his brother Frederick, 14 Feb.:
The newest light that has struck upon me is the different view one takes of the chattering of our patriots, when actually resident on the spot which they are ignorantly prating about. Here I am in a part of the country [western county Waterford] considered quite quiet ... which in England would be considered [in] utter warfare and turmoil ... A regular Irish squire, whom I canvassed the other day, said, ‘Well, Sir, I like your principles, but I wish you and your party would show a little more consideration for the loyal party ... Our inconveniences never trouble your minds, but directly a man becomes a Whiteboy or a robber he is entitled to every kindness at your hands’ ... Want of employment and starvation are the roots of all the present disturbances ... The spirit of hostility ... is principally against tithes.
On his way home through Dublin, where his theatrical connections smoothed his path, Lamb, who had given himself ‘a little goutishness’ by drinking ‘a whole bottle of port’ on his arrival in Waterford, had a largely one-sided conversation with the viceroy, Lord Wellesley. He returned to London feeling unable to identify any practical measures to improve the state of affairs in Ireland and inclined, as he facetiously told Frederick, to ‘propose that nothing at all should be done [in Parliament] for any part of the empire this session, certainly nothing by me’.
He voted for abolition of one of the joint-postmasterships, 13 Mar., 2 May 1822. On 15 Mar. he chided Williams Wynn for refusing to let sleeping dogs lie on the question of his ministerial colleague Charles Arbuthnot’s alleged breach of privilege. He divided with Burdett for the remission of Hunt’s gaol sentence, 24 Apr., and for Lord John Russell’s motion for parliamentary reform (to which William Lamb was opposed) the following day. He was in the minority of 25 for a fixed 20s. import duty on wheat, 9 May. He voted against government on diplomatic expenditure, 15, 16 May, repeal of the salt tax, 3 June (William opposed this on the 28th), Irish tithes, 19 June, the influence of the crown, 24 June, and the lord advocate’s dealings with the Scottish press, 25 June. He scolded Richard Martin for accusing Hume of indifference to the Irish poor, 17 May, and secured the adjournment of the debate on the Irish constables bill, 21 June.
We have closed the longest session ever known except only the Rump Parliament. The grumblers of course say that nothing has [been] done and much more wisely abstained from. Certainly as much relief from taxation has been given as could with any prudence be resolved in one session ... So much for politics, which certainly for some inexplicable reason or another was never in my life so flat and little thought of as at present ... I am extremely well, and am now laying in a stock of health by regular living against the next winter campaign.
Panshanger mss F87/4.
However, he took ‘such flings at the wine’ at his parental home at Panshanger in the autumn that gout racked him yet again.
Lamb, whose brother William was now moving quickly towards alignment with the liberal wing of the ministry, voted for reform, 20 Feb., 24 Apr. 1823. He was in the opposition minorities for tax reductions and against the national debt bill, 28 Feb., 3, 6, 17 Mar., when he also voted with Creevey against the Barbados duties and with Hume against the ordnance estimates. He privately denounced William’s speech of 16 Apr. against repeal of the Foreign Enlistment Act as ‘milk and water’, though he was not in the minority.
He was at odds with William over the Irish unlawful societies bill, which he condemned as ‘exceedingly obscure and mysterious’, 14 Feb., and ‘obnoxious’, 22 Feb. 1825. He supported a Waterford petition against it, 24 Feb.
Lady Cowper had reported in February 1826 that ‘George dreads his election with this "No Popery" cry’; but in his address to Dungarvan at the general election that summer he asserted that ‘the day-star of Ireland’s happiness ... must be Catholic emancipation’. He was detained at Shrewsbury by ‘a severe illness’, but got to Dungarvan in time for his unopposed return.
still a little lame, and looking thin, but I think looking well, and he has left off wine entirely and seems not to mind this, which I am delighted at ... for it makes the greatest possible difference in him, and he is so good humoured and quiet, instead of being irritable, and disputatious after dinner.
Lady Palmerston Letters, 154.
Lamb was, apparently, one of seven Whigs who voted with government for the duke of Clarence’s grant, 16 Feb. 1827; and he did so again, 16 Mar.
When presenting a petition for relief from Dungarvan Catholics, 5 Feb. 1828, Lamb deplored the return to power of Wellington and Peel as a setback to the cause of emancipation. (William stayed in office with his leader Huskisson, whom George apparently regarded as ‘an immeasurable villain’.)
Long before his death in November 1828, which removed William Lamb from the Commons, Melbourne had confirmed to George and his wife the use of Melbourne Hall ‘during their lives’. By his father’s will, Lamb received £10,000.
Lamb voted for the amendment to the address, 4 Feb. 1830, and on the 8th explained that he had done so because it contained ‘a true representation of the state of the country, and a pledge of inquiry into measures of relief’. He conceded that some ministers had embraced liberal notions, but said that ‘if ... they are Whigs in this country ... in their continental policy they are the veriest Tories in existence’, and declared his utter lack of confidence in them. He voted for the transfer of East Retford’s seats to Birmingham, 11 Feb., 15 Mar., and the enfranchisement of Birmingham, Leeds and Manchester, 23 Feb. On 5 Mar., however, when he paired on the East Retford question, he said that the secret ballot would create ‘a complete system of hypocrisy and bribery’. He divided with Hume for a reduction of taxes, 15 Feb., and against the army estimates, 19, 22 Feb., when he described the yeomanry as ‘the worst species of force that can be employed in the suppression of local tumults’; but on 1 Mar. he opposed Hume’s attempt to restrict the navy grant to six months. On 22 Feb. he presented another Dungarvan petition for the retention of fishery bounties and got leave to bring in his dramatic writings bill, which foundered on 23 Mar.
Lamb had long anticipated trouble from them at the general election the following month, and he was opposed by a Catholic councillor, on the pretext of Devonshire’s supposed indifference to the ‘misery’ of local fishermen. Lamb, who stressed his support for emancipation and ‘professed himself friendly to a moderate reform in Parliament [and] modification of the Vestry and Subletting Acts’, won easily.
Lamb, whom Macaulay found ‘very diverting’ at a dinner party in June 1831, when he opined that the perpetrators of ‘extreme cases’ of blasphemy should be prosecuted, voted for the second reading of the reintroduced reform bill, 6 July.
Reporting to Melbourne developments in Grey’s negotiations with Lord Wharncliffe and the ‘Waverers’ in the Lords, 20 Nov. 1831, Lamb commented:
It would be infinitely better to break up the government than to be party to a proposition more democratic than the last ... if your measure be brought forward and rejected I see nothing but danger, and no remedy. It seems clear that Grey is for moderation, but if nobody stands firmly by him he is sure to give way; and it seems to me that the violent part of the cabinet are put in continued communication upon this subject, and act in concert, while those who ought to check them do not understand each other, and have no mutual reliance or knowledge of each other’s sentiments ... It is ... high time that something were done or at least said about these political unions.
Melbourne Pprs. 142-5.
He voted for the second reading of the revised reform bill, 17 Dec. 1831, to go into committee on it, 20 Jan., and for various details, 3, 23, 28 Feb., but he was a surprising absentee (presumably because of illness) from the division on its third reading, 22 Mar. 1832. He dismissed Wetherell’s complaint at having been omitted, as recorder of Bristol, from the commission of inquiry into the riots which he had provoked there, 6 Dec. 1831. Greville claimed to have it from Melbourne that Lamb lied to the House when denying official knowledge of one of the recently executed burkers’ supposed confession to further murders implicating surgeons, 12 Dec. 1831.
Lamb wrote to his brother Frederick from Richmond, 26 Aug. 1832:
With ... [William’s] illness and Phillipps [the permanent under-secretary] in the country, I have the whole office on myself and keep tight to work, but slipping here every night is an amusement that I think keeps me in health and exercise and I don’t care how long it continues ... We all as to politics stand ... pretty fair, though nothing can be known with certainty as to the tone and prospects of the country till after the elections. One thing I feel certain of, which is that the Tories are by no means done for by the Reform [Act] ... There ought clearly to be enough Tories when joined with the moderate part of our friends to defeat the Radicals, and then all will be well.
Panshanger mss F87/7.
At the general election in December he was returned for Dungarvan after a contest with a Repealer which produced ‘terrible rioting’.
His official duties were executed in an efficient manner, and his speeches in Parliament were delivered in a sensible and intrepid style ... In private society ... [he] was unreserved, communicative, and agreeable; his accomplishments were admitted by all who knew him; his kindness of heart and mildness of temper were proverbial.
Gent. Mag. (1834), i. 437-8; Add. 39949, f. 146.
Princess Lieven, who knew him ‘but slightly’, considered him ‘a man of great intelligence, with a mind of a very superior order, honest, and frank almost to simplicity, and such an excellent heart’.
You cannot think how miserable I am. I have lost my best, my kindest friend ... I hope he was not aware of his danger, and the doctors assure me he did not suffer, though the difficulty of breathing made it appear as if he did, but that it was from the throat not the chest, and the water getting to the brain produced stupor ... It still seems to me like a horrid dream ... You cannot think how great and general is the regret. He was justly appreciated, and it is looked upon as a public loss. His great popularity and good humour disarmed all malice, and many ill natured attacks. His talents, his gaiety, his unequalled temper made him the most delightful companion.
Panshanger mss F88/1.
By his will, dated 27 Oct. 1832, Lamb left the Richmond property and his freehold chambers in Lincoln’s Inn to his wife, along with the residue of his personal estate. He devised two sums of £5,000 to which he was entitled under the marriage settlements of his parents and of William, plus his £10,000 inheritance from his father, to Frederick. His effects were sworn under £20,000.
