Lord Clive, who as a well-connected Tory and close personal friend of Lord Palmerston* played an important part in party negotiations in this period, was heir to the extensive Powis Castle and Walford estates and the electoral influence of his father the earl of Powis, lord lieutenant of Montgomeryshire and Shropshire and holder of the largest interest in the increasingly troublesome boroughs of Bishop’s Castle, Ludlow and Montgomery.
Mindful of constituency pressures, he helped to push through legislation on the Montgomeryshire bridges and the Pool, Oswestry and Ludlow roads early in the new Parliament.
the course which Lord Liverpool appears to be taking, because I think it will not be the most satisfactory which can be adopted to the country, and will I think tend to weaken the hand of government in the ... Commons upon many occasions. At the same time many reasons may readily occur to render the steps now taken less objectionable than they would have been some months ago.
Devon RO, Sidmouth mss, Clive to Sidmouth, 22 Aug., 13 Sept. 1822.
According to the Williams Wynns, Clive, who attended the meeting of leading Protestants in the Commons at Henry Bankes’s house, 28 Apr. 1823, soon regretted his failure to endorse the candidature of the Tory Member for Wenlock, William Lacon Childe, at the December 1822 Shropshire by-election, so letting in the eccentric Whig John Cressett Pelham.
I wish with all my heart that Wilberforce, Bastard and Co. were sent out to the West Indies themselves, and that a portion of Mr. Buxton’s brewery profits were commuted for the losses of the W.I. proprietors into assets for their relief from the effects which their pseudo-philanthropy ... is likely to occasion. Surely government will not allow these proceedings, which appear to me to be little better than a second edition of American wisdom and will be the means of placing the West India islands under American protection. It will render the islands more unprofitable to the owners than at present and render it probable a change of masters may be of advantage to them.
Southampton Univ. Lib. Broadlands mss BR22(i)/1/26.
He paired against condemning the indictment in Demerara of the Methodist missionary John Smith for encouraging slaves to riot, 11 June 1824.
Clive tried to quell strong local opposition to legislation for Shrewsbury’s poor, the Ludlow and Severn railroad and the Brithdir enclosure in 1825. He was granted a fortnight’s leave on urgent private business, 15 Feb., and was at Ludlow the following day, when it was decided to abandon the railroad bill, in view of the failure of Prodgers’ bank.
He was named to the select committee on the troubled Arigna Mining Company in which Palmerston and several of his friends in government had invested, 5 Dec. 1826, and divided against Catholic relief, 6 Mar. 1827. As Canning realized, he was bitterly opposed to the government’s corn importation bill,
because I believe at this moment in the country no two men can be found equally qualified at home or abroad to give confidence ... I regret particularly your objection to Peel as premier ... Depend upon it, whatever may be the result of the Catholic question (upon which we, you and I, differ, and which I consider only as an Irish and Whig bugbear) the less you all who wish to carry that question put yourselves in a way to force it, the more you will injure your cause.
Broadlands mss PP/GMC/19, 21, 22, 24.
Clive neither voted nor presented petitions for repeal of the Test Acts, but he continued to attend the House and, according to the lord privy seal Lord Ellenborough, he was ‘very much distressed’ by the controversy provoked by the former chancellor Herries’s statement on 21 Feb., which revealed the insensitivity with which Wellington had made appointments to the exchequer, the India board, the board of trade and the colonial office.
Northumberland replaced Lord Anglesey as Irish viceroy in January 1829, and on the 28th Peel invited Clive (who had last done so in 1812) to move the address announcing the concession of Catholic emancipation. Ellenborough considered his acceptance, dispatched on the 30th after consultation with Powis and Robert Clive, to be ‘an excellent letter’. He wrote:
The Catholic question, as it is called, has been for some months in such a state as rendered it imperative upon the government to negotiate some decisive measures with a view to its final adjustment. The country could no longer have borne to be agitated from one extremity to the other while the administration remained neutralized upon it. Impressed with these sentiments, and feeling that the time is arrived when some legislative measure is indispensable, entertaining also a sincere conviction that to no two persons can I with more safety apply for submitting to Parliament measures likely to secure a safe and satisfactory adjustment of this question than the duke of Wellington and yourself, and having your assurance that the king has consented to allow the subject to be introduced into the speech for opening Parliament, I do not hesitate, although I would have preferred a more quiet observation of your measures, to answer your call.
Ellenborough Diary, i. 305, 312, 325, 329; Add. 40283, f. 101; 40398, f. 105; Powis mss, Peel to Clive, 28 Jan. 1829.
Clive incorporated these points in his speech, 5 Feb., when, drawing on the evidence of the past six months, he denounced the Catholic Association, pledged support for a Protestant constitution and professed to be ‘fully persuaded’ that emancipation would ‘contribute essentially to the tranquilization of Ireland’. He alluded also to recent diplomatic and military successes in Greece, Portugal and Spain.
Powis suffered a ‘paralytic attack’ in January 1830, and pending his recovery Clive presided over ‘difficult’ county meetings on the route of the Holyhead road through Shropshire and cleared the debt on the loan for the Pool house of industry.
At Mrs. Arbuthnot’s suggestion, before Parliament met Wellington entrusted to Clive a negotiation with Palmerston, who he hoped would join and thereby strengthen his ministry; but Palmerston declined to come in alone, they failed to reach an understanding on India and reform and the scheme failed.
unless he saw a prospect of being able to bring himself, and others, to support the fundamental and essential principles of the bill, because, whether the government would or would not agree to modifications, on condition of receiving such support as would enable them to carry the bill (upon which question I gave no opinion) yet it is quite certain that it would be impossible for them to abandon its principles.
Ibid. Palmerston to Grey, 8 Apr. 1831.
Clive contributed £100 to the fund for disseminating publicity against the bill, 16 Apr., and he his colleagues voted for Gascoyne’s wrecking amendment by which it was lost, 19 Apr.
which reduced the number of English representatives in the House of Commons; established one right of voting in all cities and boroughs, to the extinction, either immediately or eventually, of existing rights; destroyed to a sweeping extent, old and established franchises, and placed in the hands of select bodies of the privy council decisions respecting county divisions, and the extent and power of boroughs which ought, we submit, only to be settled by the open and scrutinizing examination of Parliament. Being satisfied that great risk would have ensued to the constitution, and that the country would have had reason bitterly to lament its effects, from which no retrograde movement would have preserved it, if the bill had passed into law, we opposed its progress. We are at the same time ready to admit in accordance with public opinion, that alteration in the state of the representation was called for.
The conditions under which they would support reform remained vague.
He helped to secure the passage of the 1831 Ludlow roads bill, and presented a petition against the Birmingham-Basford railway bill, 29 June 1831.
Lord Clive friendly! Lord Clive, the Tory son-in-law of the duke of Montrose, the brother-in-law of the Tory duke of Northumberland, the son of the Tory borough monger, Lord Powis. This was a blow to Peel he had little expected.
NLS mss 24762, f. 49; Hatherton diary, 12 Dec. 1831.
As Lord Lowther* perceived, there was ‘no truth in the assertion’ that the Clives had ‘gone over’, and Clive spent the 14th ‘seeing Peel, whom I had to hunt out, Lord Melbourne, Lord Hill and Briding [Bridgeman], and endeavouring to see the duke of Wellington, who was not well enough’.
It is nothing to see how the bill has originated. There it is. The die is cast. I have resisted as far as I could, and will do so again if such alterations as I think necessary are not made in it. ... I will concur in endeavouring to amend it in the House of Commons in committee, but unless the metropolitans are ousted, unless schedule B is mitigated in its effects (I consider schedule A as lost, a borough or two perhaps may be rescued from the flames), I must as heretofore vote against the third reading. The collision of the two Houses ... must be put an end to if possible ... I saw Palmerston the day before I left London and told him distinctly that my future vote depended upon their future conciliatory proceedings ... Harrowby rather wished me to speak more in detail on the second reading. I said no, I want to see what government will do before I give in my ultimatum, and I also wished to advise with you and Frankland Lewis before I get into particulars. Frankland Lewis approves of my course. I have reason to think Lord Cowley does so and I believe several of the supporters of government. [Alexander] Baring’s decidedly for settlement.
Powis mss, C. Williams Wynn to Clive, 20, 25 Dec.; Coedymaen mss, bdle. 19, Clive to Williams Wynn, 23 Dec. 1831; NLW ms 2797 D, Sir W. to H. Williams Wynn, 15 Jan. 1832.
He paired against government on the Russian-Dutch loan, 26 Jan., and, as Grey knew they would, he and his colleagues voted silently against the enfranchisement of Tower Hamlets, 28 Feb., and the reform bill’s third reading, 22 Mar. 1832.
a sagacious, clear-headed man of business, with perhaps the most insinuating address and plausible exterior of any Tory leader in the kingdom; and although no debater, is a formidable parliamentary tactician. The reform bill, by rendering the tenure of his Welsh borough interest precarious, by enfranchising Ludlow and disfranchising Bishop’s Castle, has struck a heavy blow on the unconstitutional influence of this active politician.
Spectator, 27 Oct.; Salopian Jnl. 2 Nov. 1832.
At the general election of 1832 Clive unexpectedly topped the poll at Ludlow, where Robert Clive’s defeat was a severe blow to their interest, mitigated by his subsequent return for South Shropshire.
