Phillimore, who was described by a fellow Oxford professor in 1826 as ‘that everlasting meddler’,
He joined Williams Wynn in voting against the Liverpool ministry on the appointment of an additional Scottish baron of exchequer, 15 May 1820. He is not known to have done so on any other occasion that session and, in accordance with Buckingham’s wishes, he evidently sided with them for the appointment of a secret committee on Queen Caroline’s case, 26 June.
the queen’s partisans mainly rely on the effect they can produce by their ... daily intimidation on the electors, hoping through their instrumentality to make the electors subservient to their plans ... At all events, the government will have received a shock in the control of the House of Commons, which, constituted as they now are, they never can recover. Never ... do I remember so general an idea that there must be a change of ministry.
He was commended by Buckingham for his speech in the House, 18 Sept., when he attacked the queen’s supporters Sir Robert Wilson and Hobhouse for introducing ‘an ex-parte statement’ of her claims. During the trial he sent ‘daily bulletins’ to Williams Wynn in Wales.
On the eve of the 1821 session Phillimore, believing that the king’s right to exclude the queen’s name from the liturgy should not be challenged by Parliament and that if she was given the rumoured £50,000 a year she ought to drop her insistence on having a palace, sought Buckingham’s views on the best line for the Grenvillites:
Our situation as a party appears to be more critical than it has ever been. The ministers have condemned themselves with great imbecility and indecision, and the opposition distinguished themselves by their violence and intemperance; and under these circumstances we are looked upon as a rallying point between the two extremes ... [Ministers] very much encourage the idea that we are to support them, and to take office at or about Easter; but this is a mere ruse de guerre.
Buckingham, i. 109-11; Phillimore mss, Buckingham to Phillimore, 4, 17 Jan. 1821.
Phillimore did not vote for the motions for restoration of Caroline’s name to the liturgy, but Buckingham’s toady William Fremantle* complained to the marquess that he and Williams Wynn were ‘decidedly disposed to the opposition’. Buckingham at first wished his Members to ‘stay away’ from the debate and division on the Whig censure motion, 6 Feb., reflecting that in any case Williams Wynn would ‘follow his own whim and Phillimore will follow him’; but when his uncle Lord Grenville urged him to support ministers, he instructed Phillimore to ‘attend and vote against’ the motion. A report that Phillimore was to make an excuse of his wife’s weakness after giving birth to their fifth son on the 5th proved false, and, like Williams Wynn, he duly voted with government.
When serious negotiations began in December 1821 for a junction of the Grenvillites with government, Phillimore told Buckingham that although his dearest object was to replace Sir Christopher Robinson† as king’s advocate, he would settle for a seat at the India board under Williams Wynn (having already satisfied himself that this would be compatible with his professional practice), on the understanding that he would be made judge of the admiralty court when the 76-year-old Lord Stowell died or retired. Buckingham, who thought he was jealous of Fremantle, did not urge his pretensions on Liverpool, but Williams Wynn took them up, arguing that his ‘abilities and eminence in his profession are such as would render him infinitely more capable [than Robinson] of rendering useful service to the government both in and out of the House’, and suggesting that a place at the admiralty would suffice for the moment. Liverpool paid lip service to Phillimore’s ‘claims for professional advancement’, which would ‘receive a most favourable consideration’, but refused to commit himself on his suitability as king’s advocate and could offer no immediate opening for him. Williams Wynn restated his claims and told the premier that he would be ‘mortified’ if Phillimore, his closest personal and political associate, was excluded from the arrangement.
Phillimore, who affected to disbelieve opposition claims that they had reached ‘an understanding’ with disgruntled Tory backbenchers, voted with his new colleagues against more extensive tax reductions, 21 Feb. 1822.
Phillimore was preoccupied with the damage inflicted by the Lords on his marriage bill, as he told Holland, 12 Dec. 1822:
The general impression of my friends is that I am pledged ... to bring in some amendment ... and that it will be advisable that I should do so lest the ground should be occupied by an enemy to the principle of the bill, who might avail himself of the absurd clamour which has been excited to revert entirely to the ancient state of things. My own idea of the amendments necessary is limited to the abolition of many of the absurd, vexatious and ill-digested regulations introduced with respect to marriages by licence by Lord Redesdale.
Add. 51813.
He got leave to bring in a measure for that purpose, 5 Feb. 1823. It was given a second reading, 14 Feb., but Phillimore had to set it aside when an amendment bill was sent down from the Lords two weeks later. He did not oppose it, because it repealed the obnoxious 1822 changes, but regretted that it was ‘not a permanent and final regulation of the law’, 19 Mar. It received royal assent on 26 Mar. (4 Geo. IV, c. 17).
He was not much in evidence in the House in 1824, when he voted against the production of information on Catholic office-holders, 19 Feb., reform of Edinburgh’s representation, 26 Feb., and the prohibition of flogging, 5 Mar. That month Buckingham ‘particularly’ requested him to attend to oppose Stuart Wortley’s bill to reform the game laws, assuming that ‘your habits and pursuits have probably not led you to form a decided opinion upon it’. When Phillimore disclosed that he approved of the bill, Buckingham grumbled that ‘I was in hopes to have had the assistance of my friends, whom I do not trouble often ... and still venture to hope that I shall not be deprived of yours’. Phillimore stood his ground. One of his sons wrote 50 years later that Buckingham ‘could not forgive’ him for his ‘conscientious vote’ on the bill.
Phillimore voted for Catholic relief, 6 Mar. 1827. He agreed to production of the papers on Doctors’ Commons moved for by Hume, 14 Mar., but repudiated his criticisms. He divided for the duke of Clarence’s annuity, 16 Mar., and was a teller for the majority against the furnishing of information on the mutiny at Barrackpoor, 22 Mar. He voted for the spring guns bill, 23 Mar. He was retained in his office by Canning, though one observer noted that it might soon provide ‘a sop for some more valuable adherent’.
On 22 and 27 Feb. 1828 he obtained returns of information to underpin his planned motion for leave to introduce a bill to regulate the ecclesiastical jurisdiction of county courts, but they were so long in forthcoming that he had to give up the plan for that session. Supporting Brougham’s motion for inquiry into the common law, 29 Feb., he suggested possible changes to ecclesiastical jurisdiction; and on 25 Apr. he argued that clergymen were not qualified to preside in those courts. He voted for repeal of the Test Acts, 26 Feb., and on the 28th said that it would accelerate the accomplishment of Catholic relief, for which he voted, 12 May. He voted against the extension of the franchise at East Retford to the hundred of Bassetlaw, 21 Mar., and was in the minority in favour of the bill to transfer its seats to Birmingham, 27 June. On the Penryn disfranchisement bill, 24 Mar., he saw no reason to restrict polls there to two days. He handled the bill from the Lords to indemnify witnesses before their Penryn inquiry, 2, 3 Apr., when he supported Williams Wynn’s proposed reforms of the machinery for dealing with controverted elections. He was added to the select committee on borough polls, 15 Apr. He supported the claims on the East India Company of individuals injured by the malpractice of the registrar of Madras, 18 Apr. As he drifted into opposition, he voted in the minority of 58 for a lower pivot price for corn imports, 22 Apr. In May and July he introduced and saw through bills to cater for the incapacity of the terminally ill Liverpool as lord warden of the Cinque Ports (9 Geo. IV, cc. 37, 71). He suggested that the Irish admiralty jurisdiction could be incorporated into the English, 20 May. He supported the grant to Canning’s family, 22 May. He offered amendments to the rights of executors bill, but had reservations about extending it to Scotland, 4 June. He conceded that the Marylebone vestry required reform, but thought that Sir Thomas Baring’s bill would only confuse matters, 6 June. When Hume moved for information on the prerogative court, 4 June, Phillimore insisted that allegations of ‘defects and delays of justice’ were ‘utterly unfounded’. However, on the 16th he condemned the bill allowing the archbishop of Canterbury, the Speaker’s father, to insert a third life into the patent appointing his registrar as one which sought to ‘perpetuate sinecures’, and was a teller, with Hume, for the minority against the third reading. He got leave for a bill to regulate the office and give the efficient officials ‘ample remuneration’, 25 June, but Hume objected to it, 10 July, when it foundered. On 17 July, replying to the strictures of Hume and Harvey on the prerogative court, Phillimore said that in none was ‘justice more diligently, more expeditiously, or less expensively administered’. Next day he assured Hume that reports of inflated fees for its officials were exaggerated. He voted for inquiry into the Irish church, 24 June. His attack on British support for Dom Miguel in Portugal led to a clash with Peel, 30 June. That day he spoke and voted against the additional churches bill, and he presented a hostile petition from St. Pancras, 3 July. He supported and was a teller for the minority for inquiry into Baron de Bode’s claims, 1 July. He gave qualified support to the benefices resignation bill, 4 July. He voted against government on the corporate funds bill, 10 July, and the silk duties, 14 July 1828.
As he told his second surviving son, Robert Joseph, an Oxford undergraduate, he regarded the ministerial decision to concede Catholic emancipation as ‘a great triumph to us who have for so many years struggled for this great measure’.
Phillimore attended the debate on the address, 4 Feb. 1830, and took the view, which Williams Wynn endorsed, that ‘the division [was] most alarming to government’. Three weeks later he doubted to his son ‘whether they will survive the session’.
Since the death of George IV Phillimore had been hunting for a seat at the impending general election. He received, he informed his son, ‘several offers’, but they were ‘all too expensive or too hazardous’. One such was from Norwich, where he was invited to stand ‘upon the Dissenting interest’; but Holland could not assist him, and in any case he shied at the estimated cost of £5,000, ‘a sum which I cannot command and which (hampered as I am by a numerous family) I should not be justified in spending on such an object’. Arundel was too ‘expensive and uncertain’, an approach to Lord Grosvenor about Shaftesbury proved unavailing and he dismissed suggestions that he should apply to the duke of Devonshire, Lord Fitzwilliam or Lord Anglesey, whom he did not know, merely on the strength of his recent voting record. He told Holland in mid-July that he had
little ... expectation of being returned ... I regret this exceedingly. There are several measures in progress and others likely to be introduced in which I take a deep interest. I have of late felt myself much less embarrassed in delivering my sentiments in the House than I used to be, and had just begun to think that my experience and information, such as they are, might not be without their use to those with whom I might act during the remainder of the present Parliament.
Add. 51813, Phillimore to Holland, 14 July; Phillimore mss, Holland to Phillimore, 12 July, J. to R.J. Phillimore, 14 July 1830.
In the last week of July he went (with his wife) on a fool’s errand to Stafford, where he found the ground occupied and the likely costs prohibitive. Williams Wynn later told him that this excursion had deterred his friends on the circuit from alerting him to a possible opening for £500 at Worcester.
Phillimore, who seems to have been rather alarmed by the reform bill, failed to find an opening at the general election of 1831.
whether a seat ... for a very large and extensive constituency and which consequently could not be vacated for office without much expense and hazard could be really desirable to you at the present moment ... I do not understand your scruples about [the Conservative William] Holmes’s* assistance. In the present situation of politics it would be in vain to hope for success in such a place ... without committing yourself to a decided line with one party or the other. Holmes is the parliamentary agent and whipper-in on one side ... and if you wished to have Conservative support you must apply to the agent of that party. Still ... in the present unsettled state of politics you are much better situated and have a greater probability of office by remaining out of Parliament than by coming in ... You are I think personally much indisposed to Peel and the other heads of the Conservative party, while your principles would not allow you to support the present administration. Are you not then better where you are, than to be put under the daily necessity of steering between them and probably pleasing neither party?
Phillimore declined to involve himself, on the pretext, as he told Brougham, that his intervention would lead to Horne’s defeat.
He was devastated by the accidental death by drowning of his youngest son Richard, an Oxford undergraduate, in June 1843. Dr. Bliss of St. John’s noted that he had been ‘a youth of great promise, with all the abilities but more of steadiness than the Phillimores generally possessed’.
