Bright came from a junior branch of a family that originated in Worcestershire and had been established as landowners in Herefordshire since the seventeenth century. His grandfather was a West India merchant and mayor of Bristol in 1771 and his father was a partner in the city bank of Ames, Cave and Company, but he never directly engaged in business.
He was an active member of the Whig opposition to Lord Liverpool’s ministry on most major issues, including parliamentary reform, 9, 31 May 1821, 24 June 1822. However, he never joined Brooks’s Club and his attachment to ‘liberal’ principles was crucially tempered by constituency considerations. He supported the ‘eminently advantageous’ Western Union canal bill and was a majority teller, 15 May. He argued that the insolvent debtors bill should distinguish between ‘honest unfortunate’ and ‘fraudulent’ debtors, 26 May, and moved on 12 June that its provisions be extended to cover crown debtors, but withdrew as the sense of the committee was against him. He was named to the select committee on agricultural distress, 31 May, but wished he could decline as its membership was so obviously packed. He believed the standing army should be reduced to the level of 1792, arguing that though the country was disturbed ‘the principles of the people were sound’, 14 June. He warned that the excess of spirits bill would lead to the West of England being ‘deluged’ with ‘ardent spirits’ from Ireland, 6 July. He opposed the turnpike returns bill, which showed ‘want of confidence’ in commissioners ‘who performed a laborious duty gratuitously’ and sought to vest greater power in government, 12 July 1820.
Bright condemned the insolvency laws for ‘letting loose a most profligate race of men to prey upon the community’, 14 Feb., supported a Bristol petition against the insolvent debtors bill, 17 Feb., and argued that if the law could not be amended it had better be repealed, 13 Mar. 1823.
He voted against the usury laws repeal bill on account of its effect on ‘the comforts of the middling and lower classes’, 17 Feb. 1825. He was ‘favourable’ that day to the game bill. He criticized the way in which private business was conducted in the House and was ‘decidedly of opinion that no Member who had a direct interest in a private bill ought to vote upon it’, 23 Feb. He was a majority teller for the third reading of the Newbury improvement bill, 5 May, and for the motion to allow the committee on the Berkshire and Hampshire canal bill more time to report, 10 June. He supported a Bristol petition for repeal of the house and window taxes, 25 Feb.
Bright attended meetings of the West India planters and merchants’ committee in London during the 1826 Parliament.
In February 1829 Planta, the patronage secretary, listed Bright as being ‘opposed to the principle’ of Catholic emancipation, and indeed he saw ‘no reason to change the opinions I have always ... entertained’ on this subject, 13 Feb. He admitted that the Bristol pro-Catholic petition showed that ‘there is among the respectable people of the city a strong division of sentiment, more so ... than I had anticipated’, 19 Feb., but he maintained that the anti-Catholic petition represented the views of ‘a great body of the middling and ordinary classes of life’, 26 Feb. He divided against emancipation, 6, 18, 23, 27, 30 Mar., and supported the amendment stipulating that the prime minister must be a Protestant, 24 Mar., as a ‘watchman’ was needed ‘to guard ... the British constitution’. He regretted that nothing had been done about the stamp receipt tax, 23 Feb., and said the house tax was the ‘cause of the greatest oppression to citizens’. He favoured the appointment of a committee to consider silk trade petitions, 26 Feb., thought French imports were partly to blame for distress in the industry, 7 Apr., presented a Manchester petition for relief, 10 Apr., and voted against the silk trade bill, 1 May. He successfully objected to the addition of names to the committee on private bills, which upset the arrangement by which such committees were appointed, 17 Mar. He favoured inquiry before passing the justice of the peace bill, 25 Mar., as ‘the subject of summary convictions ... ought to be looked at with great suspicion’. He had ‘a great objection’ to the home secretary Peel’s metropolitan police bill, which created ‘only a partial system’ and gave ‘new power to the secretary of state’, 19 May. He presented a Hackney petition against the bill, ‘one of the most arbitrary ever brought before Parliament’, 25 May, but later that evening announced that he would not press his opposition further. Although he preferred to rely on the ‘good sense of the House’ in dealing with cases of Members accepting offices abroad, 6 May, he supported the East India offices bill, 19 May, but not the clause making its operation retrospective, 22 May. That day he thought the case of the Rosanna brig showed the defective state of the law regarding compensation for damage caused by a king’s ship, and he suggested that the droits of admiralty should be used to establish a permanent compensation fund. He argued that the sugar duties should not be equalized until the West Indian colonies were allowed to trade freely with other countries, 25 May. He moved to reduce the duty on tobacco by 9d., which would enable the West Indies ‘to become rival producers ... with the United States’, 1 June, but was ruled out of order. He voted to reduce the grant for the sculpture of the marble arch, 25 May. He supported a petition for continuation of the fishery bounties, 2 June 1829, as this industry was ‘not ready for free trade’. He voted that day for the issue of the East Retford writ, not on the basis of innocence or guilt but because the Commons had ‘not proceeded in the inquiry with due diligence’. He divided for Knatchbull’s amendment to the address on distress, 4 Feb., and tax reductions, 15 Feb. 1830. He declared that distress could only be relieved by ‘a great reduction in ... national expenditure and a great reduction of taxation’, 19 Feb., and suggested that lowering the tax on servants would create employment, 5 Mar. In presenting a Bristol petition for tax remissions, 8 Mar., he expressed the opinion that ‘distress has been mainly occasioned by our reversion to a metallic currency’. He opposed the appointment of a select committee to inquire into taxation as it was ‘our duty to act collectively as a body’, 25 Mar. He obtained a return of the number of surcharges under the Assessed Taxes Act, 27 May, and argued next day that this provided ‘proof of a most oppressive system’ and that ‘repeal of the ... taxes would diffuse good and afford general satisfaction’. He regularly acted with the revived Whig opposition that session on retrenchment motions. He complained that the opinion of the House had not been taken before commissioners were appointed to inquire into colonial expenditure, 22 Mar., and objected to the way it was being asked to grant money for a hospital in Malta when the building was nearly complete, 26 Mar. He had ‘little hope of any good result’ from the select committee on the East India Company, 9 Feb. He supported the West India planters and merchants’ petition for lower duties on sugar and rum, 23 Feb., pointed to the ‘unparalleled’ distress of the ‘colonial body’, many of whom had been ‘reduced to absolute penury’, and argued that there was no chance of ameliorating the condition of the slaves while the colonists felt unjustly treated. He appealed for measures to encourage tobacco cultivation in the West Indies, 8 Apr. He said he needed to consult his constituents before expressing an opinion on the government’s plan for reducing the sugar duties, 14 June, but was advised that it was ‘partial, complicated, unjust and difficult of execution’, 21 June; he suspected that ‘there are some other measures which are to be kept back until this one is passed’. He supported Lord Chandos’s amendment for further reductions, 30 June, and maintained that the planters were ‘entitled to the approbation of this House’ for their efforts to improve the condition of the slaves, 1 July. He presented a Bristol West India planters and merchants’ petition for a lower duty on rum, 17 June, but was ‘sorry to see that their interests can be so trifled with’. He divided against Lord Blandford’s reform plan, 18 Feb., but supported the ‘practical proposition’ for enfranchising Birmingham, Leeds and Manchester, which would develop the constitution by ‘replenishing Parliament from quarters not hitherto properly represented’, 23 Feb. He rejected the argument that county Members could be the advocates of manufacturers as their interests were ‘entirely different’. He did not vote for Russell’s general reform motion, 2 May. He presented two Bristol petitions for Jewish emancipation, 4 May, and paired for the relief bill, 17 May. He presented a petition against the Avon and Gloucestershire railway bill, 12 Mar., and accused the Kennet and Avon Canal Company of ‘monstrous’ conduct towards the Bristol and Gloucestershire Railway Company; he was a majority teller against the second reading. He advised ministers to reduce the stamp duty on advertisements, insurances and small receipts, 7 Apr., and expressed dissatisfaction with their Stamp Act, 28 May. He thought there was an ‘absolute necessity’ for revision of the insolvency laws to afford greater protection to traders, 29 Apr., and condemned the ‘quite abominable’ practices and procedures in the bankruptcy and insolvency courts, 14 May, declaring that ‘there never was a system better calculated to corrupt a community’. He regretted the clause in the administration of justice bill abolishing arrest for debt in cases involving less than £100, which would ‘open a door to the grossest frauds upon the honest creditor’, 18 May. He paired against abolishing the death penalty for forgery, 7 June. He regarded the sale of beer bill as ‘nothing but a half measure’, as innkeepers would be subject to the excise regulations, 3 May. He feared that the bill would operate against ‘the establishment of a small system of brewing’ and that ‘large capitalists will have a greater monopoly than they have at present’, 4 June. He voted to prohibit sales for on-consumption, 21 June, and to postpone them for two years, 1 July. He thought the benefits of the labourers’ wages bill were ‘obvious’, 3 May, and warned that it was ‘totally impossible’ for the country to ‘go on in peace while the only property of the poor ... the wages of their labour [was] taken away from them’; he defended the bill’s wording, 1, 5 July. He voted for inquiry into the state of Newfoundland, 11 May, and of Ceylon, 27 May. He praised Huskisson’s speech on relations with Mexico, 20 May, and argued that ‘any course of conduct’ would be justifiable to prevent it and Cuba from being absorbed by the United States. He was ‘very suspicious’ of the proposed changes to the four-and-a-half per cent duties, 21 May, and feared that the crown was ‘endowing itself with a large revenue by means of obsolete and forgotten views of fiscal regulations’. He hoped there would be no restrictions on the rights of Members when presenting petitions, 15 June, as they afforded a ‘better opportunity of being heard, and of giving satisfaction to those whose interest they represent, than in set debates’. He also complained of the way public business was conducted in the early hours of the morning, by which means ‘the vigilance of Members is deceived and objectionable measures are passed without receiving due investigation’. On 17 June he protested against the resolution that public business should commence at 5.30 pm, as this left insufficient time for petitions. He regretted that there was to be an early dissolution when so much urgent business remained to be dealt with, 30 June 1830, observing that it was particularly inconvenient for lawyers on the circuit.
At the dissolution Bright announced his decision not to stand again for Bristol, ‘being as he says tired of it and the expense’.
