Maria Edgeworth quipped in 1822 that Bootle Wilbraham, a ‘grand man’, had changed his name so often that ‘nobody knows how to call him to please him’.
He was sure in June 1820 that, whatever the outcome of the queen’s return and trial, she would ‘serve as a rallying point for the disaffected and radicals’. He feared that she would ‘probably end in carrying what she wants, for already she gains ground in the affections of the middle and lower classes’. Three months later he looked forward to ‘very rough work and coarse debates, with a mob at our doors’, if the bill of pains and penalties reached the Commons:
The mob seems determined to disbelieve the queen’s guilt ... Radicalism has taken the shape of affection for the queen, and has deserted its old form, for we are all as quiet as lambs in ... [Lancashire], and you would not imagine that this could have been a disturbed country twelve months ago.
He held himself ‘in readiness’ to attend Parliament at the opening of the 1821 session, and when he did so was surprised to find London ‘quiet’, rather than ‘full of tumult and riot’. His only qualm over the impending clash on the case of ‘our most gracious Jezebel’, who ‘has been called unsunned snow, but who, somebody said, was more like hoar frost’, was its likely effect on the health of Lord Castlereagh, the beleaguered government leader in the Commons.
the opposition to it has been rather more feeble and more moderate than it ought to have been; but the opponents have been so browbeaten and stigmatised as bigots and persons devoid of Christian feelings, that they are actually cowed, and dare not say half what they might.
He consoled himself with the reflection that there was ‘great apathy prevailing in the public mind on this subject’; and, likewise, that ‘the queen is gone by as a topic of inflammation’.
Though she was a dangerous engine in the hands of bad people, I think she rather kept her husband in check, and prevented him from thinking himself too popular, which he is rather inclined to do, and to act accordingly.
Yet a few weeks later, when he reported that trade and manufactures were recovering, but that ‘we who depend on agriculture are badly off’, he applauded George IV for having ‘expressed himself stoutly and properly about the Roman Catholic question’.
Bootle Wilbraham voted against more extensive tax reductions, 11 Feb., abolition of one of the joint-postmasterships, 13 Mar., and repeal of the salt duties, 28 June 1822. He ‘fully concurred’ in Denison’s attempt to cut the cost of actions for the recovery of riot damages under the Seditious Meetings Acts by allowing them to be instituted at quarter sessions, 5 Mar. He found ‘the business of Parliament ... devoid of interest’ at the beginning of April, when he lamented that the disaffected agriculturist Members ‘literally seem to have run wild’ and thought that some of the Somerset magistrates deserved Burdett’s strictures, as they had ‘suffered great abuses to exist’ in Ilchester gaol.
That some evil may arise from the former mode of disposing of local patronage, I do not deny, but the remedy proposed is more than commensurate to it, and will be attended with other evils, to which the fear of Mr Hume has blinded the eyes of the treasury ... You know well enough that the idea of carrying on the government in times like the present, without using that lawful influence which has always been exercised by government, and even with the assistance of which it has been found difficult to carry measures of importance, at critical periods, and to stem the torrent of popular prejudice and feeling at general elections, is quite Utopian. The commissioners of customs, being appointed for life and beyond the reach of a political struggle, can care comparatively little with what administration they act, and consequently the supporting any particular ministers will be but a secondary consideration with them in the disposal of their patronage.
Add. 38291, f. 141.
On 21 Dec. 1822 Bootle Wilbraham asked Canning (now leader of the Commons) whether he might safely take a pair for the early part of the 1823 session. Canning replied that ‘I think your pair will answer for the first ten days ... but I would not have you say so to anyone else’.
Bootle Wilbraham presented a petition for repeal of the coal duties, 8 Mar. 1824.
Bootle Wilbraham voted against Catholic relief, 6 Mar., and presented a hostile petition from Dover, 6 June 1827.
dissolve Parliament before their motive for doing so can be guessed at by the country and suspicion excited. They may thus hope to fill the treasury boroughs and to make a selection of the sixteen peers from Scotland more favourable to the Catholics. All these things, I sincerely hope, may be averted if the king stands true to himself and to his own declarations.
He was ‘glad’ of Smith Stanley’s appointment to junior office, though ‘more on private grounds than public ones’, in that it would ‘break the habit of ... eternal shooting’.
Skelmersdale opposed Catholic emancipation, which he regarded as a threat to the Irish church and the Union.
