Trant’s family was of Danish extraction and had long been prominent in the Dingle promontory. He was a collateral descendant of Sir Patrick Trant, who followed James II to France and was attainted in 1691. His grandfather Dominick Trant, a prosperous merchant, acquired extensive estates in Kerry and Tipperary. By his first marriage, to his kinswoman Catherine Trant, he had two sons, James and Dominick. In his will, dated 31 Oct. 1755 and proved in 1759, he left most of his property to the latter, supposedly passing over James, whom he provided with a life annuity of £30, because he had entered some foreign service. Dominick Trant became a successful Irish barrister, who did good business on behalf of the smuggling gentry of the south-west. His main residence was at Dunkettle, which Arthur Young described as ‘one of the most beautiful places I have ever seen in Ireland’.
William Henry Trant was placed with the East India Company and arrived in Bengal in September 1799. He returned to Britain two years later, but was back in India by the end of 1803. He served in a variety of administrative posts until ill health forced him to come home 16 years later.
Trant, a conscientious attender and forthright debater, gave general support to the Liverpool ministry, but had a pronounced independent streak.
Trant found no seat at the general election that year. In January 1828 he came forward on a vacancy for Dover, where anti-Catholicism flourished. He was regarded as the candidate favoured by the Wellington ministry and the representatives of Lord Liverpool, the dying lord warden of the Cinque Ports, though he does not seem to have been explicitly recommended by them. Of his previous period as a Member, he claimed that he ‘was never away a day, and gave his vote without influence, according to the dictates of his conscience’. He had ‘supported the administration of Lord Liverpool with conscientious views, and never asked a favour of government’. He was supported by a coalition of the lord warden’s and independent parties and comfortably beat a rival of broadly similar political opinions. Returning thanks before hastening to London because ‘a near and dear relative’ was ‘dangerously ill’, 11 Feb., he proclaimed himself to be ‘highly favourable to the existing government’, but ‘unfettered’.
Trant, anticipating the ministry’s volte face on Catholic relief, joined English and Irish Brunswick Clubs in the autumn of 1828. When Parliament met in the new year he took a seat on the opposition benches and became one of the most active and vociferous opponents of emancipation. On the address, 5 Feb., he condemned the ‘sophistry’ used by ministers to justify the concession, which was nothing more than a surrender to the Catholic Association’s intimidation. The ‘extraordinary change’ in Peel’s views, he said on 9 Feb., could ‘only be compared to a species of Hoenlhoe miracle’, though he subsequently acknowledged that Peel’s motives were ‘most conscientious’, 5 Mar. He called on Protestants to deluge the House with petitions, 9 Feb., and he went on to present his own share, including one from Dover, 3 Mar., when the Whig Lord Howick* thought his speech was ‘very violent and very tiresome’.
After church walked with my father to call on Mr. Trant, whose head is so full of the resistance which he has made and still purposes making in the House to ... Catholic emancipation that he can neither talk or think of anything else. C’est une vraie manie! ... My father entreated him to be more guarded in his expressions, but he said he certainly should go on as he had begun.
Jnl. of Clarissa Trant, 254-5.
So he did, with constant tirades against the admission to Parliament of men whose ‘ulterior objects’ were to ‘tear down the Protestant church of Ireland in the first instance, and when that ruin is accompanied, to tear down the Protestant church of England’:
I think a little leaven would leaven the whole lump. I am what is called a good sitter in this House. I come early and remain late, and I know well what may be done by a few Members bent upon a common object.
Trant, who voted to the last ditch against the measure during March, made set speeches against its introduction, 5 Mar., second reading, 18 Mar., and third reading, 30 Mar., when he described it as ‘part of a perpetual Popish plot against the Protestant establishments of the country’.
Trant spoke against any further reduction of the volunteer force, 20 Feb., but supported Hume’s bid to end military flogging, 10 Mar. 1829. He defended the subsidy for the Society for the Propagation of the Gospels against Hume’s attack, 6 Apr. He was horrified by the notion of a system of non-scriptural Irish education, 9 Apr., 22 May, when he declared that its adoption would ‘destroy in me any little confidence which I now have left remaining in the good intentions of the present government’. He again called for the introduction of ‘some measure for the permanent relief’ of Irish poverty, 7 May. He complained of Hume’s ‘vexatious and unreasonable’ opposition to the ecclesiastical courts bill, 21 May, 3 June, arguing that ‘any reform of those courts’ must be ‘beneficial’; but he thought Hume was entitled to seek information on the excessive fees charged in Doctors’ Commons, 5, 12 June. He demanded a reduction in the advantage given to Caribbean sugar producers as an act of ‘substantial justice to the East Indies’, 25 May, and looked askance at free trade theories, 22 June 1829.
The Ultra leaders listed Trant among ‘Tories, strongly opposed to the present government’ in October 1829, and he resumed his place on the opposition benches in the 1830 session. He voted for the amendment to the address, 4 Feb., when, according to Clarissa, he gave Daniel O’Connell ‘a friendly hint’ to remove his hat as he rose to deliver his maiden speech.
On the message from the new king, 30 June 1830, Trant, who had voted for Hume’s motion of 3 May to ensure continuity of constitutional government on the demise of the crown, seconded the amendment against an immediate dissolution: ‘I have not acted in factious opposition to the government, but neither will I pretend to say, that I have that confidence in it which I formerly had’. He trusted that ‘something like justice’ would soon be done to East Indian sugar producers and argued that ‘the consequences must be dreadful’ if Ireland did not receive aid from public funds, 1 July. On 7 July he called for adequate salaries to be paid to Commons officials, to replace the corrupt fees system, spoke and voted for Hume’s bid to reduce judicial salaries and supported the Madras registrar compensation bill. Next day he expressed a hope that the next Parliament, in which he did not expect to sit, would investigate a ‘flagrant breach of faith’ perpetrated against the natives of the western provinces of India over land revenues. He was in the minority against increased recognizances under the libel law amendment bill, 9 July. On 13 July 1830 he called for improved regulation of the administration of the estates of persons dying intestate in India and begged again for financial aid to be given to Ireland, accusing ministers, ‘in their adherence to political economy’, of preventing the House ‘from saving the people of Ireland from starvation’. He recommended those who would deal next year with the renewal of the East India Company’s charter to safeguard the ‘happiness and welfare’ of the natives and warned against a too hasty introduction of western ‘improvements’. Later that day he spoke and voted against the Lords’ amendments restoring the death penalty to the forgery punishment bill.
Trant did not stand for Dover at the 1830 general election: he was reported to be ‘tired of all the business’, besides having ‘reasons which would prevent him from supporting the measures of the duke of Wellington’.
We ought not, especially in these times, to give countenance in this House to an idea too prevalent out of doors, that men came here to perform no labour, but to fill their pockets and to live upon the public. I have spent many anxious weary hours in this House, and have never obtained or looked for a farthing from it. The country cannot prosper, if insinuations go forth to the public, that we are merely a set of rogues who come here for our own profit, for the country will place no confidence in us.
He could not go the whole way with Hume in his criticism of the cost of royal palaces, 1 July, but thought the House should look closely at ‘those expenses which may not be immediately necessary’. Soon after voting against the second reading of the reintroduced reform bill, 6 July 1831, he vacated his seat to accommodate the Ultra leader Vyvyan, who had been beaten in Cornwall at the general election.
Trant gave evidence before the Commons select committee on the revenue of the East India Company, 10, 12 Apr. 1832.
I speak feelingly indeed on this subject. It was my father’s hard fate to accept a challenge arising out of political circumstances, and to kill his challenger ... I thank God that before I was well a man I was enabled to make a resolution that under no possible circumstances would I either give or accept a challenge ... How much evil has been done by the example of public men in this respect ... In these days of rebuke and blasphemy, can it be expected that the people will ‘honour the king’ if their rulers do not show that they ‘fear God’, who has said, ‘Thou shalt do no murder’, ‘vengeance is mine I will repay, saith the Lord’.
Add. 40405, ff. 92-97, 150, 220.
The remainder of Trant’s life is obscure. He was a resident of New Windsor in 1842, but spent his last years at Torquay, where he died in October 1859.
