Ross’s father, a youngest son, was born in Aberdeenshire in 1742 and entered the army in 1760. He served with distinction in America as aide-de-camp to the 2nd earl of Cornwallis, whose intimate friend he became. He was Cornwallis’s secretary during his period as governor-general of Bengal from 1786 to 1793. On his return home in 1794 he was belatedly made an aide-de-camp to the king after Cornwallis had expressed displeasure at his omission from the original list. He accompanied the 2nd Earl Spencer, with whom he formed a close friendship, on their special mission to Vienna in August 1794: he ‘went very unwillingly’, as Cornwallis noted, ‘as it was exceedingly inconvenient for his private affairs’. Cornwallis joined Pitt’s ministry as master-general of the ordnance in January 1795 and six months later, to meet his need for ‘a capable friend in one of the efficient offices’, secured Ross’s appointment as surveyor-general. Ross obtained the colonelcy of the 89th regiment, the ‘least lucrative corps’ in the army, in 1797. He landed the more rewarding command of the 59th in March 1801, when Cornwallis overcame his wish to resign from the ordnance with him and persuaded him to stay on under Lord Chatham.
Charles Ross, an only child, was barely of age when, in the autumn of 1820, his father sought Spencer’s ‘countenance’ for his candidature for St. Albans, where a vacancy was expected, provided no one of Spencer’s Whig opposition politics started. Spencer would not oblige, but when the opening occurred in December General Ross secured the neutrality of his son Lord Althorp*, in acknowledgement of having ‘received so much kindness from him ever since I was a child’. Charles Ross’s claim to be a local man was based on his father’s residence for ‘several years’, presumably as a tenant, at the Garrard property of Lamer Park, five miles north-east of St. Albans. (Earlier in the century he had been in occupation of Russell Farm, on the Watford side of the borough.) Ross, who was seen as the ‘Court’ candidate, finished 20 votes behind Wright Wilson, another ministerialist, and 21 ahead of John Easthope*, an opposition man. When the latter threatened to petition, with every hope of voiding the election, Althorp, though unwilling in that event to support Easthope against Ross, half-heartedly tried to persuade the general to withdraw Charles and let him take his chance at the next general election.
He proved to be a thoroughly reliable supporter of the Liverpool ministry, with whom he voted against parliamentary reform, 20 Feb., 2 June; on the sinking fund, 3, 13 Mar., and the assessed taxes, 10, 18 Mar.; and against repeal of the Foreign Enlistment Act, 16 Apr., and inquiries into the legal proceedings against the Dublin Orange rioters, 22 Apr., and the currency, 12 June 1823. At the end of the debate on chancery delays, 5 June, he moved an amendment to get rid of the subject, but was persuaded to withdraw it. He voted against inquiry the following day. He was in the majority against Onslow’s usury laws repeal bill, 27 June 1823, but voted for his reintroduced measures, 27 Feb. 1824, 8 Feb. 1825. He divided against the production of information on Catholic office-holders, 19 Feb., and reform of Edinburgh’s representative system, 26 Feb. (and again, 13 Apr. 1826), and the abolition of corporal punishment in the army, 5 Mar. 1824. He had been named to the select committee on the game laws, 13 Mar. 1823, and on 11 Mar. 1824 he ‘warmly’ supported Stuart Wortley’s amendment bill which, far from diminishing ‘the legitimate influence possessed by the country gentlemen over the lower classes’, would increase it by removing ‘one of the main sources of irritation’. He was named to several other select committees in this Parliament. He divided with ministers on the case of the Methodist missionary John Smith, 11 June, and for the Irish insurrection bill, 14 June 1824, and the Irish unlawful societies bill, 25 Feb. 1825. He divided against Catholic relief, 1 Mar., 21 Apr., 10 May, and the Irish franchise bill, 26 Apr., 9 May. He was in the government majorities for the duke of Cumberland’s annuity, 6, 10 June. He was one of the minority against the spring guns bill, 21 June 1825. He voted with ministers on the Jamaican slave trials, 2 Mar., and the salary of the president of the board of trade, 10 Apr. On 26 Apr. he spoke at some length against Lord John Russell’s reform scheme, a ‘sweeping plan of alteration’ which was ‘fraught with fallacy, and replete with danger’; and he voted against Russell’s resolutions on electoral bribery, 26 May 1826.
At the general election of 1826 Ross transferred to the pocket borough of the 2nd earl of St. Germans, whose eldest son was married to the sister of his wife, Cornwallis’s granddaughter.
Ross was one of the ‘supporters’ of the ministry considered for appointment to the finance committee, 10 Feb. 1828.
Early in 1830, Mrs. Arbuthnot was unimpressed when Peel tried to persuade Wellington to appoint Ross a lord of the treasury:
I rather hope he won’t, for Mr. Ross, though to a certain degree clever, is a ridiculous man and I think the appointment would be laughed at. Mr. Peel only wishes it because he is a flatterer of his.
Arbuthnot Jnl. ii. 328.
The Whig Edward Ellice* commented that Ross, ‘a decided Tory’, had ‘no one qualification that can be of the least use to his employers’.
Public affairs do not look brilliant. Though the elections on the whole have turned out well for government, we shall have plenty to do next session, France of itself affording ample cause for deep consideration.
He was reported to have been ‘in his glory as chairman’ of a Northampton Tory dinner in October 1830.
Whether Ross had acted as an assistant whip before his appointment is not clear, but after the election he ‘very kindly and efficiently assisted’ Planta in producing their notably misleading analysis of the new House.
His hopes were dashed by the dissolution, but he retained his own seat. On 29 June 1831 he denied Hume’s allegations that an opposition agent had infiltrated the Republican newspaper. He voted against the second reading of the revised reform bill, 6 July. He opposed the issue of the Liverpool writ, 8 July, 5 Sept., and demanded inquiry into the use of barracks to house supporters of the ministerial candidate at the Northampton election, 11 July. Two days later Ellenborough asked Ross, who he had recently discovered to ‘have more nous than I supposed’, to persuade Peel to be more accommodating towards Tory backbenchers. Ross spoke to Peel, but to little effect, and in turn complained to Ellenborough of ‘bad attendance’.
Ross acted likewise for the minority against the second reading of the revised reform bill, 17 Dec. 1831, and voted against going into committee, 20 Jan., and the third reading, 22 Mar. 1832. He suggested alterations to some of its details, 11, 15 Feb. He was in the majority against the vestry bill, 23 Jan. He voted against government on the Russian-Dutch loan, 26 Jan., 12 July, the malt drawback bill, 2 Apr. and the glove trade, 3 Apr. His bill to regulate Scottish landlords’ right of hypothec, introduced on 11 Feb., was thrown out on its second reading, 1 June. During the crisis of May, Ellenborough noted that Ross, who professed to believe to the very last that the Conservatives would be able to form a ministry to carry a moderate reform bill, ‘would like to be secretary of the treasury in Planta’s place, and he would do very well in it’. A moving spirit and original committee member of the Carlton Club, he was one of the seven men deputed by opposition to ‘obtain information as to all the new boroughs’ in England in preparation for the next general election.
At the general election of 1832 Ross successfully contested Northampton, on the strength of his mother’s family’s property.
