Stuart’s father, who was born in 1755, was the fifth and youngest son of the 3rd earl of Bute, George III’s early favourite and prime minister, 1762-3. After leaving Cambridge he entered the church, becoming vicar of Luton, where his father’s Bedfordshire estate lay, in 1779, though he lived two miles away at Copt Hall, which Bute placed at his disposal. During an outbreak of smallpox he had almost 2,000 local people inoculated at his own expense. A shy man of commendably few words, he was introduced to Dr. Johnson, 10 Apr. 1783, by Boswell, who wrote that ‘with all the advantages of high birth, learning, travel and elegant manners’, he was ‘an exemplary parish priest in every respect’.
a high, proud, independent man, but with honourable principles and excellent understanding. He is a constant resident in his see of Armagh, which he has much improved, and by his attention and example, the established church in Ireland has been highly benefitted and greatly extended. Within the last seven years the number of churches has been doubled, and the resident clergy in the same proportion.
Prince of Wales Corresp. viii. 3093, 3273; Geo. IV Letters, i. 358.
William Stuart, the elder by six years of the primate’s two sons, spent much of his boyhood in Armagh. At the time of the general election of 1818 his father extracted from ministers, as the price of his co-operation in a desired electoral arrangement for Armagh, which he controlled as head of the church, an assurance that if after two years he wished to bring William into Parliament, a seat would be provided for him either for Armagh, by the retirement of the sitting Member, or elsewhere, at government expense. Peel, the Irish secretary, thought it ‘more than probable that the primate will never claim for his son the fulfilment of the promise’; but at the general election of 1820, when Stuart was only five months into his majority, the archbishop returned him for Armagh.
If you represented any other borough it would be a matter of indifference, to me at least, with which party you voted; but representing Armagh you have no option, and must support the established government. Armagh does not belong to me but to the church, and, whatever may be my private opinion, I should act dishonourably were I not in this matter to consult the interest of that church, which is manifestly to support the minister for the time being. Besides, the questions which will come before the House of Commons during the session ... so personally concern the king - the revenue of the crown, the rights of the queen, etc., etc. - that a man who joins opposition must do so for the express purpose of degrading and insulting Majesty.
He gave Stuart permission to second any motion by Newport for having the Irish parochial reports printed, but no more, and promised to send him further coaching and instruction in the defence of the church. He advised Stuart, who was suffering from a swelling in his face, to decline any request from ministers that he should move the address.
It was surely Stuart who voted in defence of their conduct of the Queen Caroline affair, 6 Feb.; but it is not clear whether it was he or William Stewart, Member for Tyrone, who divided against Catholic claims, 28 Feb. 1821. The ‘few words’ which he uttered on the relief bill, 2 Apr., were ‘perfectly inaudible in the gallery’.
Stuart voted with government against inquiry into the parliamentary franchise, 20 Feb., for the national debt reduction bill, 3, 13 Mar., and against repeal of the Foreign Enlistment Act, 16 Apr. 1823. On 4 Mar. he ‘expressed his strong disapprobation’ of Hume’s motion for inquiry into the Irish church establishment and repudiated as ‘totally unfounded’ his attack on his late father on the issue of clerical non-residence. However, he seems to have supported Hume’s attempt to halve the grant for the Irish yeomanry, which he thought would ‘do good’, 10 Mar.
In 1825 Stuart bought for £64,000 the Payne estate at Tempsford, about seven miles from Bedford in the east of the county.
although I cannot concur in the wild and visionary theories of those who, erroneously attributing the consequences of individual corruption to defects in the form and fabric of the state, would introduce dangerous and unnecessary innovations, I shall be ever ready to promote those moderate and rational improvements which the diffusion of knowledge, and the consequent advancement of human intellect, may render expedient.
He blamed the distress of agricultural labourers on defects in the poor laws, and that of the farmers on the ‘erroneous principles and calculations’ on which the corn laws were based, and declared his support for ‘every prudent measure’ to ameliorate the condition of slaves in the West Indian colonies and so lead eventually to abolition. According to Bedford, Bute ‘left him in the lurch ... as to expense, and Mr. S. had to pay the whole, which he did not much like’.
He kept up his interest in the county and was considered a likely starter in October 1831 if Tavistock was called to the Lords.
