Nolan’s father, who styled himself Nowlan, was called to the Irish bar in 1769 and later appointed a commissioner of bankrupts; the date of his death has not been found. Nolan was admitted an attorney in the Irish court of exchequer in 1787, but it was at the English bar that he made his way as a special pleader on the home circuit. He had a taste for analytical writing and in 1795 produced an updated edition of Strange’s Reports of Chancery Cases. The following year he was permitted to deliver a series of lectures at Lincoln’s Inn on the municipal law of England, for which he published an extensive Syllabus,
He was a fairly regular attender who indeed gave general support to Lord Liverpool’s ministry. He defended the king’s bench proceedings bill and was a majority teller for going into committee on it, 20 June 1820. He condemned Newport’s attempt to exclude Thomas Ellis from the House as ‘an act of injustice of the deepest dye’, 30 June. He divided against economies in revenue collection, 4 July 1820. He voted in defence of ministers’ conduct towards Queen Caroline, 6 Feb. 1821. He dismissed Martin’s proposal to allow persons on capital charges to be defended by counsel, 26 Feb., seeing no need to change ‘the most humane system of jurisprudence that ever existed in any country in the world’. He opposed the forgery punishment mitigation bill, 23 May, maintaining that ‘the sense of the country was that forgery ought to be punished with death’. According to a Tory Member, he spoke ‘with great acuteness and force’.
He played a conspicuous part during the 1822 session in attempts to reform the poor laws. He opposed Scarlett’s poor removal bill, 31 May, arguing that it took away that ‘great stimulus to industry’, the pauper’s fear of removal. He was added to the select committee on poor returns, 10 June. In seeking leave to introduce his own poor law amendment bill, 10 July, he explained that it sought to reduce the intolerably heavy burden of poor rates by returning to the original spirit of poor law administration under the statute of 1601. The problem lay in maladministration of laws which, ‘from being originally wise and useful, have been recently perverted into an instrument the most pernicious and destructive to the independence of the lower classes of society’. He proposed to strengthen the Act of 1819, chiefly by enhancing the power of vestries and extending the scope of inquiry into whether a claimant was idle or deserving to all his family, and he wished to empower authorities to hire out the unemployed poor to work; all of this would necessitate keeping detailed lists of the impotent and able-bodied poor and their circumstances. Incidentally, he advocated a ‘well-regulated system of colonization’ to deal with overpopulation. He maintained that his object was not to oppress the poor but to ‘promote their comfort ... preserve their true spirit of independence ... cherish their domestic virtues [and] chase away every lure to laziness and dissipation’. The bill was given its first reading, 24 July 1822, before the close of the session. Nolan had his speech published to increase awareness of his scheme, and sent a copy to the home secretary Peel, to whom he wrote:
I am anxious so far as lies in my power to ease government of the labour and possible unpopularity of a task, which either they or some individual like myself must soon undertake. But even if under immediate impressions you should deem it worthy of further consideration, I shall not feel disappointed if after discussion you should think it ought to be given up. I will add that the bill has been generally circulated throughout the country, and that so far as I can judge from the large correspondence which it has brought upon me, its principal provisions are not disapproved.
The bill was reintroduced, 27 Mar., but set aside at the report stage, 27 June 1823.
Nolan divided against parliamentary reform, 20 Feb., 2 June 1823. He voted with government for the sinking fund, 3 Mar., against repeal of the Foreign Enlistment Act, 16 Apr., and against inquiries into the prosecution of the Dublin Orange rioters, 21 Apr., and delays in chancery, 5 June. He divided in the minorities to refer the silk bill to a select committee, 9 June, and against the Irish tithes composition bill, 16 June. That March he had solicited the living of Bradworthy, Devon for the son of a constituent. Nothing was done, and four months later he wrote to the patronage secretary to the treasury, Lushington:
A letter I have just received convinces me that it is not less for the interest of government than my own that my request should be complied with ... Considering the priority of my application and the proximity of the vicarage to the place I represent, I do think my claim entitled to preference over those which I am given to understand are made for the presentation.
This expression of ‘warm interest’ did the trick, as Liverpool told him.
