Leader was the first member of his family to start coal mining on their ‘vast’ estates in county Cork, which included Mount Leader, purchased by his father from his cousin John Leader. His funds ‘being limited during his father’s lifetime’, he obtained a loan of £10,000 at five per cent from government, to be paid off by instalments according to his profits, and ‘his first step was to open an access to the exhaustless collieries around him’.
Shortly before the 1830 general election it was reported that he was ‘ready to start’ for Carlow if the independents decided ‘everything was clear and certain’, which they were unable to do. ‘I greatly regret that if it was Leader’s serious intention to contest this borough’, one of them informed O’Connell, ‘he did not see the propriety of making you the organ of conveying his wishes’, whereupon ‘every effort ... would have been made’.
He was listed by the Wellington ministry among their ‘foes’ and as ‘opposed to government’ by Henry Brougham*. He will be ‘most useful’, an informant advised Maurice Fitzgerald*, by ‘calling the attention of the public, out of the House, to the enormous abuses that are suffered to exist’ in Ireland.
At the ensuing general election Leader stood again as a reformer, promising to oppose the Irish Subletting Act and introduce a motion against the ‘monstrous tyranny’ of Irish tithes. He was returned unopposed.
He has a minute knowledge of Ireland, and possesses perhaps more acquaintance with its statistics than any other of its representatives. He never speaks without conveying information, and on that account he is always attended to, although it must be owned, that he sometimes displays so much vivacity, and animates his oratorical physique with so much impetuosity of emotion, that he gives the Saxon temperament of his hearers a start.
Sketches, Legal and Political ed. M. Savage, ii. 341.
He voted against disqualification of the Dublin election committee, 29 July, and to postpone the issue of a new writ, 8 Aug., when he called for inquiry, but with ministers on the controversy, 23 Aug. He opposed the union of Irish parishes bill, 10, 17 Aug., when he contended that Ireland was ‘overrun with churches’, and 19 Aug., when he divided against it. On 11 Aug. he clashed with Spring Rice, the treasury secretary, over the delayed Irish estimates. He expressed ‘great alarm’ at the powers conferred on the new lord lieutenants of Irish counties, which would give them ‘the nomination to seats in Parliament’ and ‘defeat the benefit expected from the reform bill’, 15 Aug., and warned that abolition of the Irish viceroyalty would damage the economy, 31 Aug. He defended grants to the Hibernian Society for Soldiers’ Children, 22 Aug., and the Royal Dublin Society, of which he had ‘been a member for the last 29 years’, 29 Aug. That day he spoke and voted for Sadler’s proposal for legal provision for the Irish poor. On the 31st he defended a grant for Irish legal proceedings which been opposed by Hume, protesting that ‘the system of economy some persons wish to pursue seems to pauperise one half of the empire, in order to bring all the wealth to the other’. He presented and endorsed petitions against the grant to the Kildare Place Society, maintaining that education funds should be ‘distributed generally throughout the country without reference to religion’, 6 Sept. He was in the minority of 24 against the truck bill, 12 Sept., when he said its extension to Ireland would not work because in some areas there was ‘no money at all in circulation’. (He had earlier informed James Emerson, the sponsor of extending the bill to Ireland, that he would prefer to ‘let any experiment be had in England’ first rather than ‘interfere in the present state of Ireland with employment’.)
Leader voted for the second reading of the revised reform bill, 17 Dec. 1831, for going into committee on it, 20 Jan., 20 Feb. 1832, and again steadily supported to its details. He divided for the third reading, 22 Mar. On 19 Jan. he demanded that something be done about Ireland’s ‘rotten boroughs’, which like those of England were ‘a mockery of representation’, and resumed his campaign for additional Irish Members, for which he spoke regularly thereafter. He demanded limits on the cost of election booths, 15 Feb. He voted for the address calling on the king to appoint only ministers who would carry reform unimpaired, 10 May. On 23 May he divided for the Liverpool disfranchisement bill. That day he presented 16 petitions for the Irish reform bill and one from Kilkenny for a second Member and destruction of the nomination boroughs, which he endorsed. He voted for the second reading of the Irish bill, 25 May, but protested that under its terms ‘many towns which are now open’ would ‘become close boroughs’, 6 June, and spoke at great length against the proposed boundaries and the comparatively small increase in the number of Irish electors, which would ‘inflame’ calls for repeal, 13 June. On the 18th he regretted that the provisions of the bill fell so ‘lamentably short of the expectations raised by the pompous preamble’, voted in the minority for the enfranchisement of £30 occupiers, and argued and was a minority teller for O’Connell’s motion to extend the county franchise to £5 freeholders. He spoke in similar terms, 2 July. On 27 June he endorsed a Mallow petition protesting that the bill would reduce its electorate from 800 to 200, which made a ‘mere mockery of reform’. He was in the minority of 26 for a system of representation for New South Wales, 28 June. Next day he divided against the liability of Irish electors to pay municipal taxes before they could vote. He condemned the proposed division of Irish counties into polling districts, 18 July. He disapproved of a Lords’ amendment to the Irish bill preventing certain types of borough freeholders from qualifying after 31 Mar. 1831, but waived his opposition, 3 Aug. 1832.
He presented petitions for the abolition of Irish tithes, 17 Jan., 16 Feb., when he moved and was a minority teller for printing the one from Woollen Grange, 15 Mar., 5 July. On 8 Mar. he spoke at length against the Irish tithes bill, which had caused ‘considerable embarrassment’ to those Irish Members who had hitherto been the ‘steady and undeviating supporters of every measure of liberal policy’, not one of whom considered it had the ‘slightest chance of success’. He voted against it that day, 27 Mar., when he opposed the introduction of further coercive measures to enforce collection, and again, 30 Mar., 6 Apr., 13, 24 July, 1, 2 Aug. He warned of the ‘disorder and violence’ and ‘immense expenditure’ it would entail, 2 Apr., and spoke regularly against it thereafter, but was one of the Members ‘usually opposing ministers’ who supported Crampton’s amendment regarding the payment of arrears, 9 Apr.
At the 1832 general dissolution Leader retired from Parliament, after refusing to take O’Connell’s pledge in support of repeal. The Times noted that ‘there has come forth from Ireland perhaps no popular representative, not being of the desperado faction, who has more generally thrown aside all compromise in pursuing his own straightforward course’.
