On coming of age in about 1818 Langston took possession of a handsome inheritance from his father, a second generation London banker turned Oxfordshire squire, whose personal estate had been sworn under £250,000 after his death while Langston was still at school. The residue was calculated for duty at £192,611.
In the House, he acted consistently with the Whig opposition, but he was an indifferent attender, and is not known to have spoken in debate in this period. He voted against government on the civil list, 3, 5, 8 May, economies in revenue collection, 4 July, and the barrack agreement bill, 17 July 1820. He was in the minority against the appointment of a secret committee on Queen Caroline’s activities, 26 June 1820. Lord Jersey told Lord Holland, 20 Nov. 1820, that Langston might be ‘the best person’ to consult about the possibility of organizing an Oxfordshire meeting in support of the queen, although ‘caution’ was required as he had ‘expressed himself rather in a touchy manner upon being courted by Whig ladies’.
Langston divided for more extensive tax reductions to relieve distress, 21 Feb. 1822, but his only recorded votes for retrenchment were for abolition of one of the joint-postmasterships, 13 Mar., 2 May, to pay naval and military pensions from the sinking fund, 3 May, and for cuts in diplomatic expenditure, 15, 16 May. He voted against Canning’s bill to relieve Catholic peers of their disabilities, 30 Apr. He was in the minority of 25 for Ricardo’s proposal for a fixed duty of 20s. on wheat imports, 9 May. He voted to limit the duration of the Irish insurrection bill, 8 July 1822. His only known votes in the 1823 session, besides those on reform, were for inquiries into the legal proceedings against the Dublin Orange rioters, 22 Apr., the state of Ireland, 12 May, and chancery delays, 5 June. After a long period of inactivity, he turned up to present a Woodstock petition for repeal of the house and window taxes, 14 Apr.,
Langston had stood his ground at Woodstock in September 1825 when, with an early dissolution expected, Blandford and an aristocratic kinsman declared their joint candidature. He offered again at the general election of 1826, and at the nomination denied a report that he had voted for Catholic relief in 1825, but he seems to have been knocked out of his stride by heckling. The more overt anti-Catholicism of Blandford and his colleague was probably decisive, and Langston was narrowly beaten into third place.
Langston offered again for Oxford at the 1830 general election, when he made much of his recent support for tax reductions, economy and retrenchment and ‘every measure of constitutional liberty’, but claimed that he had ‘lent his support to ministers when he conceived they were aiming to advance the public good, and ... had never countenanced a factious opposition to them’. He again topped the poll after a contest in which Hughes Hughes defeated Lockhart.
the diminution of influence, and the extension of the elective franchise, will bind a powerful class of the community to all that is good and sacred, and that the sound sense of Englishmen will not be led to adopt wild theories or revolutionary opinions.
Oxford University and City Herald, 30 Apr., 7 May 1831.
He voted for the second reading of the reintroduced reform bill, 6 July, at least twice against the adjournment, 12 July, and was a fairly steady supporter of the measure’s details. He was listed in the ministerial minority against the enfranchisement of £50 tenants-at-will, 18 Aug., but later claimed that he had in fact voted with Hughes Hughes for it. However, he was at odds with his colleague by voting with government against attempts to preserve the voting rights of freemen, 27, 30 Aug.
He stood again for Oxford, declaring that reform was ‘essential to the honest administration of public affairs, and the establishment of ... mutual confidence between the government and the people’, at the 1832 general election, and easily headed the poll.
