Knight’s father, ‘a gentleman of independent property in Devonshire’, came from an old Shropshire family. His mother was descended from a branch of the Bruces of Kennet, Clackmannan. Her father William Bruce (1705-68), a navy agent and banker, bought property in Glamorgan, where he served as sheriff in 1756. Knight was educated initially at Bath, where his parents lived in the late 1790s and, after his father’s death intestate in 1799, at Sherborne. He did not follow his brothers John (1784-1872), heir to the Welsh estates, and William (1785-1845), who entered the church, to university, but spent two years with a mathematical tutor and in 1807 was articled to the solicitor Bigoe Charles Williams of Lincoln’s Inn Fields. His articles having expired, he entered Lincoln’s Inn in 1812 and was called to the bar five years later. He practiced in the Welsh courts of great sessions before concentrating on the English equity courts, where his rise was rapid. On taking silk in 1829 he chose the vice-chancellor’s court, where he vied unsuccessfully with Edward Sugden* for the lead. As a barrister he was noted for ‘his marvellous rapidity in making himself master of the facts of a case’ and ‘his equally surprising memory in retaining what he had once mastered’.
Nothing came of Knight’s forays in Glamorgan as a Tory in 1830 and 1831,
a great outcry among some foolish people and a few who ought to have known better at Swansea in consequence of an erroneous report of something said by me in the ... Commons on the Merthyr question. You will be at once aware that I could not, being sane and sober, say anything so foolish as that Swansea or Neath desired to remain as at present in preference to the proposed change so plainly advantageous to them. What I said was that in my judgement Cardiff, Cowbridge and Llantrisant would prefer the existing state of things to the proposed alliance with Merthyr. Lord Althorp is the Enemy.
NLW, Bute mss L74/161.
He voiced misgivings at the proposal that the governor of the Isle of Wight, who might be a military man, should be the returning officer for that county, 16 Aug., 14 Sept., and thought the wording of clause 16 on the copyhold and leasehold franchise might open the way to the creation of fictitious votes, 19 Aug. He cavilled at the notion of £10 borough tenants being given the vote, 26 Aug., and asserted that the boundary commissioners would have ‘a very dangerous power’ to alter the whole constituency of the country, 1 Sept. He was in the small minority on clause 27, governing polling arrangements, 2 Sept., and unsuccessfully proposed that voters in Welsh contributory boroughs should be allowed to poll therein rather than at one central place, 6 Sept. He voted against the bill’s passage, 21 Sept., and the second reading of the Scottish measure, 23 Sept. While Powis’s other Members abstained, Knight voted against the second reading of the revised reform bill, 17 Dec. 1831. He joined in opposition protests at the provisions made for the boundary bill, arguing that it should not become operative until the reform bill was enacted, 23 Jan. 1832. Ministers accepted his amendment affecting the choice of returning officers for new constituencies, 24 Jan., and suggestions for changes to the clauses concerning votes derived from clerical livings, 1 Feb., and the appointment of revising barristers, 10 Feb. He thought the provisions for the punishment of misdemeanours under the bill were too severe, 16 Feb. He divided against enfranchising Tower Hamlets, 28 Feb., and the third reading, 22 Mar. 1832. Acting indirectly (‘I cannot of course communicate very freely on such a subject with a friend of government’) through Bute’s brother Lord James Crichton Stewart*, he supported the campaign which resulted in the late concession of a Member to Merthyr Tydfil and Aberdare.
On his concerns as a lawyer, Knight, who was reported to have found attending the Commons disruptive to his professional practice and health,
Bute and his agents considered sponsoring Knight as a Conservative candidate for the new two Member Glamorgan constituency at the 1832 general election, but rejected him for ‘not having an estate in the county and most particularly from being a non-resident’.
How many memories ... it summoned up! Our walks to Highwood and Trent Park ... the ride by day, the evening of music and talk, while he sat at his brief-covered table, his glass to his eye, and his ear open to every word uttered ... He had little religiosity of temperament, but he had a strong sense of duty, and on that he acted.
Ibid. 11; Gent. Mag. (1866), i. 919; ii. 681, 833-5; Aberdare Letters, i. 243.
