Hamilton, whose elder brother Alexander succeeded their father as 10th duke of Hamilton in December 1819, was one of the handful of Scottish Foxite Members who had defied the Tory hegemony created by Henry Dundas†. He did not, however, belong to the set of Edinburgh Whigs dominated by Henry Cockburn and Francis Jeffrey*, though he maintained communications with them. He had been raised and educated in England, and London was his habitual milieu.
In the House he continued to vote with his Whig friends on most major issues, though he was not a thick and thin attender in this period and was not conspicuous in the campaign for economy and retrenchment. On the address, 28 Apr. 1820, he urged on the Liverpool ministry ‘the necessity of attending to the distress’ of western Scotland, where ‘many persons ... were in such an absolute state of destitution that they looked on their existence as a burden which they could scarcely support’. He suggested subsidized emigration to save unemployed handloom weavers from catastrophe and restore tranquillity to the Glasgow area. On 4 May he had the royal burghs select committee reappointed: 12 of its 21 members survived from 1819, but the newcomers were predominantly ministerialists. He presented petitions for reform, 13, 30 June, and brought up the report, which recommended change, 14 July.
began by abusing the bareness of the soil in Scotland, and said that some Ayrshire sheep coming to London were terrified at the sight of the trees when they arrived in England. Lord Archibald, who instead of sheep heard men, exclaimed, ‘They were impostors, depend upon it, they were impostors’, and [was] irritated by the shouts of laughter, and never listening to Lord Erskine bawling out, ‘Sheep, Lord Archibald, sheep’.
Countess Granville Letters, i. 158.
In the Commons, 21 Aug. 1820, Hamilton gave ‘reluctant’ support to Osborne’s unsuccessful amendment for the prorogation of Parliament, in opposition to Tierney.
According to the advanced Whig Henry Grey Bennet*, at a party meeting at Burlington House, 22 Jan. 1821, it was arranged that Lord Tavistock would give notice of a motion of censure on ministers’ conduct towards the queen for the 26th, and Hamilton of one for an address to the king calling for restoration of her name to the liturgy for the 29th. Before the House met the following day, a reluctant Tavistock was persuaded by Lord Sefton* to let Hamilton’s motion take precedence; and, after eight new Members had been sworn in, Hamilton gave notice accordingly for the 26th. On 24 Jan. Tavistock gave notice of his censure motion for 5 Feb. (Grey Bennet reckoned that the party meeting had ‘passed off unanimously’, but some ministerialists got the impression that the subsequent disagreement between the ‘obstinate’ Hamilton and Tavistock had occurred there.)
The speech of Lord Archibald was bald and bad. He laboured ineffectually and made no impression upon the House. He evaded the legal part of the question and attempted to justify the nothingness of his own motion by referring to the more extensive one of Lord Tavistock; at the same time most inconsistently prating about the numerous petitions for the restoration ... whilst his own motion leaves her completely in the lurch.
Geo. IV Letters, ii. 895.
The young Whig George Howard*, a spectator in the gallery, thought Hamilton was ‘as dull, heavy and injudicious as was possible to be’; and Grey Bennet heard that he ‘made ... by no means a good speech’.
From a London ‘yet thin of MPs’, 31 Jan. 1822, Hamilton informed Kennedy:
I see no prospect, from talking with those who are here, of much concert, nor of any chance of procuring a new head to our discordant body; but then the warmth of the country gentlemen, even of many of the Tories, will form a new feature in the opening of the session, and will probably force on important divisions early ... I shall no doubt move something about the burgh concern, and shall again also attack our county representation.
Cockburn Letters, 40-41.
He supported the amendment to the address calling for economies, 5 Feb., alleging that ‘the supporters of ministers cast wholly out of their view the inability of the people to pay the oppressive taxes which weighed them down’. On 18 Feb. he sought leave to introduce a bill to abolish the inferior commissary courts of Scotland, as recommended by the judicial commissioners. Even though Rae asked him to defer to the pending government bill, he persisted, but his motion was negatived. On 22 Feb., admitting that he had taken up the cause of burgh reform unaware of ‘the time or the labour it would require’, he proposed referring the reports of the three select committees to a committee of the whole House. He condemned the measure being planned by Rae to regulate the burghs’ accounting methods and prevent non-residence by magistrates as ‘quite inadequate’ to reform the ‘incurably noxious system’ which prevailed. He disclaimed ‘any inclination to ... wild and extensive changes’ and said he wished to ‘produce some community of interest and feeling ... between those who govern and those who are governed’: in ‘large and populous burghs’ he would restore the guildry and let them elect the dean of guild and a portion of the council; open the corporation to all men of property and allow them to elect their own deacons, who would choose some of the council; empower the councillors thus chosen to elect the remainder annually and have magistrates go out of office every one to three years. Rae opposed the motion, which was defeated by 81-46. Hamilton duly resisted the ministerial bill, 22 Feb., and presented hostile petitions, 17, 22 Apr., 3, 13, 20, 30 May.
In December 1822 Cockburn, appalled at Kennedy’s talk of leaving Parliament, observed that on such issues as the Scottish juries bill Hamilton (like Hume and Ferguson) was ‘ignorant and ... slight’.
Hamilton was in Lord Nugent’s minority of 30 who voted to condemn Britain’s policy on Spain, 17 Feb. 1824. He divided silently for reform of Edinburgh’s electoral system, 26 Feb., having earlier written to George Sinclair*, a candidate for Caithness, to applaud his public declaration for reform and ‘expose of ministerial profligacy and insolence’.
Hamilton failed to get a straight answer from the chancellor Robinson as to whether the proposed restriction of small bank notes was to apply to Scotland, 6, 20 Feb. 1826. He supported Hume’s unsuccessful attempt to empower magistrates to force banks to pay in specie, 27 Feb. Next day he sent an open letter to the praeses of the Lanarkshire county meeting called to petition against interference with the Scottish banking system (4 Mar.), in which he promised to defer to the general ‘repugnance’ to the plan evinced in Scotland.
When he offered again for Lanarkshire at the general election in June 1826, he wrote:
Many of my political opinions, which met with strenuous opposition for several years, have recently been carried into effect, particularly a reduction of taxes, so long and so injuriously withheld, and a return to metallic currency, so long and so fatally suspended.
He was too unwell to attend his unopposed election on the 20th, when his brother the duke stood in for him at the celebration dinner.
