Denison’s famed wealth derived from the London bank founded by his father, Joseph Denison and Company (known as Denison, Heywood, Kennard and Company after 1837), of which he became senior partner. From his father, who appears to have remained a Dissenter, he also inherited the estates of Seamer, near Scarborough in Yorkshire, and Denbies in Surrey. He extended the latter by purchases from the duke of Norfolk and the earl of Verulam, thereby enhancing his status in the county, for which he was first elected in 1818.
poor Mr. Denison is broken hearted about his sister ... and his only relief, he says, is imparting his grief to me. According to his own account, he protested to her from the first against her living under the king’s roof; but that the thing, instead of getting better, has become daily worse and worse. Not that even now he can suppose that there is anything criminal between persons of their age, but that he can never go into society without hearing allusions too plain to be misunderstood; and he lives in daily fear and expectation of the subject coming before Parliament.
Greville Mems. i. 94; Creevey Pprs, ii. 148.
His entreaty to Lady Conyngham to go abroad at this juncture fell on deaf ears. For Thomas Creevey*, ‘Denny’ became an invaluable source of gossip as a result of his unwanted Court connection; but apart from this, it had no discernible impact on his political career.
He was returned unopposed at the general election of 1820, when he explained his opposition to the Liverpool ministry’s ‘restrictive measures’ of the previous session.
At the county meeting, 10 Feb. 1823, Denison cited the salary of the British envoy in Washington, which exceeded that of the president of the United States, as an example of government profligacy, and blamed economic distress on the French wars and the Currency Acts of 1797 and 1819.
He voted against the Clarence annuity bill, 2 Mar., for information on the conduct of Lisburn magistrates with regard to an Orange march, 29 Mar., and to postpone the committee of supply, 30 Mar. 1827. He divided for Catholic relief, 6 Mar. He welcomed the government’s proposed alteration of the corn laws as a sensible compromise between ‘ultra consumers’ and ‘ultra growers’, and hoped that a unified system of weights and measures could be adopted, 12, 23 Mar. He voted for the spring guns bill, 23 Mar., and declared that country gentlemen who needed to resort to such devices ‘had better come up to town at once’, 26 Mar. Although, like many Whigs, he was irritated by Sir John Copley’s* elevation to the woolsack, he professed his willingness to support Canning’s ministry ‘as far as he was able’, 21 May, observing that by adopting liberal measures the government might ‘scorn the futile efforts of any opposition’. In Denison’s view, Peel and his followers were ‘at least half a century behind ... [Canning] and the rest of the world in intelligence and civilization, and all that constituted the happiness of mankind’.
Describing Wellington and Peel as ‘great statesmen’, he welcomed the announcement of the government’s intention to act on the Catholic question, 27 Feb., and voted for their emancipation measure, 6, 30 Mar. 1829. He criticized the tone of the anti-Catholic campaign being waged in Surrey, 9 Mar., and clashed with his colleague Pallmer over the status of a Guildford petition. He presented friendly petitions, 13, 17 Mar., and spoke ‘fearlessly and frankly’ for emancipation at the county meeting, 21 Mar., when he goaded opponents with a flippant dismissal of the prospects for an Ultra ministry: ‘He had as great a respect as any person for the forensic abilities of Lord Eldon, but as a politician he was never suspected of any extensive or statesmanlike conduct’.
The ministry of course listed Denison among their ‘foes’. He presented petitions from Clapham, 8 Nov., and Newington, 11 Nov. 1830, against their inclusion in the scope of the Metropolitan Police Act. While he agreed that special magisterial powers might be necessary to deal with the ‘Swing’ disturbances, 15 Nov., he warned that ‘to put an end to this spirit’ the government ‘must both retrench and reform’; he rejected imputations of disloyalty to the crown on the part of any class in Surrey. He voted against ministers in the crucial division on the civil list later that day. His own efforts to alleviate distress by reducing rents on his Yorkshire estates to 1797 levels and granting compensation to flood damaged farms were commended as a ‘noble example to the landed interest’ by a Surrey newspaper.
He claimed that seven-eighths of his constituents supported reform, 25 June 1831. He divided for the second reading of the reintroduced bill, 6 July, and steadily for most of its details. However, he voted for the disfranchisement of Saltash (on which ministers failed to provide a lead), 26 July, the Chandos clause to enfranchise £50 tenants-at-will in the counties, 18 Aug., and the transfer of Aldborough to schedule A, 14 Sept. He declared that there existed but ‘one feeling’ in Surrey against the county’s nomination boroughs, 20 July, but led the unsuccessful opposition to the partial disfranchisement of Guildford, 29 July, while emphasizing his ‘entire and cordial concurrence’ with the rest of the bill. He showed impatience with Croker’s obstruction of the bill in committee, 12 Aug., and asked a question about the new voting qualification for counties, 19 Aug. He spoke for the reprieve of the county towns of Dorchester, Huntingdon and Guildford, 15 Sept., but denied that in general Surrey was ill served by the bill. He voted for its passage, 21 Sept, and Lord Ebrington’s confidence motion, 10 Oct. At the county meeting, 4 Oct., he justified his support for the Chandos clause and, to a mixed reception, his efforts to save Guildford’s second seat; at the quarter sessions in Guildford, 20 Oct., he trusted that the borough would be better treated in a new bill.
At the general election of 1832 Denison felt constrained to face ‘the parsons and Tories’ in the western division of Surrey, where he was returned. One observer who was less than impressed with his theatrical style was Cobbett, who wrote that he could no longer ‘suffer Denison to be clapping his hand to his head, and turning up the whites of his eyes, and think that is enough, in addition to a good breakfast that he has given the voters’.
