This branch of the Callaghans, distant kinsmen of Lord Lismore, had remained Catholic, thereby enduring ‘confiscations’ and marriages ‘beneath their rank’ until their fortunes were restored by Callaghan’s father, who established a ‘monopoly of trade’ supplying the navy in Cork during the Napoleonic wars and became one of Ireland’s ‘most successful merchants’. Callaghan appears to have been the most active of his six brothers in the family business, and on his father’s death to have assumed control.
The unseating of Gerard as a government contractor supplying the navy created a vacancy in 1830, for which Callaghan came forward with the unlikely support of the local Brunswick Club, who, it was said, had determined on ‘putting a Catholic in for a while, in order to keep the seat for one of their most virulent, violent and obnoxious members’, and considered it ‘better to vote for a Papist than a liberal Protestant’.
At the 1830 general election it was expected that he would retire in favour of Gerard, but to the fury of the Brunswick Club he offered again after family friends, with whose decision the brothers had ‘agreed to abide’, determined that he had the ‘best chance of success’.
At the ensuing general election he offered again as a ‘friend’ to the ‘extinction of close boroughs’ and an ‘extension of the elective franchise’, which he believed could be kept ‘moderate’ by adopting an Irish £10 householder franchise based on ‘ascertained’ rather than ‘assumed’ rental values. On the hustings he assured those ‘who were once arrayed against him’ of the ‘sincerity’ of his support for reform, which dated from when the duke of Wellington had declared himself opposed to any change. Following the last minute withdrawal of another candidate he was returned unopposed.
Callaghan deprecated the failure of ministers to increase the number of Irish Members or disfranchise any corporate boroughs and warned that ‘unless they satisfy the just desire of the people ... to be represented ... I shall most reluctantly withdraw from them’, 12 Dec. 1831. He voted for the second reading of the revised reform bill, 17 Dec. 1831, and steadily supported its details. Writing to William Smith O’Brien*, 5 Jan. 1832, he hoped that Lord Grey would
believe what everyone else has ... for a long time past ... that his ministry cannot pass the reform bill or any other bill the Tories choose to oppose, without an infusion of 40 to 50 Whigs into the House of Peers. We of the Commons are easily managed by the present men but would not be ruled by any Tory minister. For the peace of the country I hope therefore they’ll make peers.
NLI, Smith O’Brien mss 427/141.
He divided for the third reading, 22 Mar., and Ebrington’s motion for an address calling on the king to appoint only ministers who would carry reform unimpaired, 10 May. He voted for the second reading of the Irish bill, 25 May, but thought its details should ‘coincide with ... the English’, 6 June. He was in the minority for O’Connell’s motion to extend the Irish county franchise to £5 freeholders, 18 June, and supported an unsuccessful amendment for the words ‘or other building’ to be inserted in the clause relating to the Irish £10 householder franchise, in accordance with the English bill, 25 June. He condemned the government’s decision to abandon the disfranchisement of freemen, 2 July. ‘That so material a part of the bill should have been given up without a struggle’ in the Lords, he remonstrated, 3 Aug., was a ‘slur upon ministers and the House’. He warned that Irish freeholder certificates would be withheld by landlords, destroying ‘that freedom of election which it is desirable to establish’, and argued for a reduction of polling numbers at each booth from 600 to 400, 6 July. He proposed giving votes to multiple occupiers ‘if the rent, divided among them’ amounted to more than £50 each, but desisted in the face of opposition, 9 July 1832.
He complained that Cork had ‘thousands on thousands of poor destitute creatures’, 23 Jan., and called for the introduction of ‘some system’ of poor laws, 8 Feb., 19 June 1832, when he voted for a tax on absentee landlords to provide for poor relief. He divided with ministers on the Russian Dutch loan, 26 Jan., 12, 16, 20 July. He demanded the immediate end of Irish tithes, without which there could ‘not be peace and prosperity’ in Ireland, 8 Feb., and voted to print the Woollen Grange petition for their abolition, 16 Feb. Next day he reported to Smith O’Brien that the ‘system of compulsory provision for the clergy’, which ‘government seem disposed to continue’, would not ‘last long’:
We are giving it such blows in every discussion that petitions against tithes give rise to, that government are daily giving way from the high grounds they appeared to have taken up.
Ibid. 427/154.
He seconded and divided for a motion to postpone the Irish tithes bill, 6 Apr., and spoke and voted steadily against it thereafter, although he was one of the Members ‘usually opposing ministers’ who divided for Crampton’s amendment regarding the payment of arrears, 9 Apr., and against making further modifications, 1 Aug. He was in the minority of ten for the reception of a petition for the abolition of tithes next day, when he presented one in similar terms from Cork. He protested that the drawback on malt harmed Irish producers and urged its immediate abolition, 17 Feb., 30 Mar. He urged the necessity of finding alternative ‘means of support’ for Cork’s foundling hospital in the event of the repeal of the local coal duties, 7 Mar., for which he presented a petition, 23 May. He brought up petitions for the Dublin coal trade bill and the Cork infirmary bill, 9 Mar. He presented one in support of the Irish registry of deeds bill, 16 Mar., but divided against restoring the registrar’s salary to its former level, 9 Apr. He voted against the government’s temporizing amendment on the abolition of slavery, 24 May. He presented and endorsed petitions against the ‘unnecessary’ dispersal of a Cork meeting by the military, 7 July, 2 Aug., insisting that it was ‘absurd to talk of rebellion in Ireland at the moment’, 10 Aug. 1832.
At the 1832 general election Callaghan, who had ‘originally professed himself opposed’ to repeal of the Union, after some hesitation ‘pledged himself to vote for it’ and was re-elected with the support of O’Connell.
