Cartwright, an archetypal country squire, was, as William Huskisson* noted in 1822, one of the Liverpool ministry’s ‘staunchest supporters’.
A frequent attender, he generally supported government, but in order to mollify his constituents took an independent line on some issues, notably repeal of the leather tax.
Cartwright presented an Oundle petition objecting to the insolvent debtors bill, 17 Feb 1823.
At the 1826 general election Cartwright offered again for Northamptonshire, citing his long service. On the hustings, to Althorp’s irritation, he ‘stated all his opinions, but without any detailed argument’, promising ‘to uphold our inestimable constitution, in church and state, and to preserve it unimpaired for the enjoyment of ourselves and our descendants’. He was returned unopposed.
I have ever been adverse to the concession of the claims of the Roman Catholics on general principles. But when I hear the subject recommended from the throne to our consideration and inquiry, as it has been, I think the suggestion of ministers, who conceive there is a way of settling this question without danger to the Protestant institutions of this country, is deserving our attention.
Planta, the patronage secretary, predicted that he would vote ‘with government’ on the issue and he divided accordingly, 6, 30 Mar., though he presented several hostile petitions, 17 Feb., 2, 9, 13, 18 Mar. He presented an Aynho petition for the Warwick and Napton canal bill, 27 Mar., and two against the Oxford canal bill from local landowners, 3 Apr. That day he successfully proposed the adoption of Lords’ amendments to the North Elmham enclosure bill. He endorsed a graziers’ petition against having to pay the costs of the work proposed by the Smithfield market improvement bill, saying that their case deserved the consideration of the House because the City, which would also benefit from the improvements, was to bear no expense at all, 5 May 1829. He voted against the transfer of East Retford’s seats to Birmingham, 11 Feb., Lord Blandford’s parliamentary reform scheme, 18 Feb., and a motion to enfranchise Birmingham, Leeds and Manchester, 23 Feb. 1830. Prompted by his colleague’s presentation of Northamptonshire petitions complaining of distress, Cartwright called on ministers to ‘retrench in every possible way’ and contended that ‘by altering the scale of assessed taxes, great relief might be given to the small tradesman, who suffers by the present system’, 16 Feb. He endorsed a Kettering petition in similar terms, urging ministers to declare what action they had decided on, 2 Mar., and another from Northamptonshire’s magistrates for repeal of the laws obliging parishes to support Irish vagrants, 9 Mar. On the 16th he welcomed the measures that ministers had announced to deal with distress. Next month Lord Clifden advised George Agar Ellis* that Cartwright was one of those ‘friendly to government and not willing to exaggerate the evils of the time’.
At the 1830 general election he offered again, dispelling rumours that he would retire on account of his volte face on Catholic claims, which, according to Althorp, had been started by ‘Gates, the clerk to the dean and chapter at Peterborough’. ‘They are looking out for a candidate to turn out Cartwright’, Althorp informed his father, 16 July, adding, ‘I think they can find no one who will come forward in cold blood, but the violence against Cartwright is very great’.
Though I had always resisted their claims, I was not insensible to the difficulties ... of the question, and brought forward as it was for the first time by government as a measure designed especially to the safety and tranquillity of the empire, I did think the safest course was to support it, and I did think it particularly desirable if the question was ever to be carried, to have it settled and adjusted by men who were well known to be attached to the Protestant constitution ... than to have it forced upon us at some future time unconstitutionally ... With respect to the Test Acts, I did not vote for it, because I did not think it any serious grievance ... but I have no hesitation in declaring, now that it is passed, that I think it a very good measure.
Cartwright mss 8171, copy of election speech, 1830.
Talk of an opposition came to nothing and he was returned unopposed.
Ministers of course numbered him among their ‘friends’ and he was listed in their minority on the civil list, 15 Nov. 1830. When news of his vote reached Northampton, his effigy was paraded around town, 22 Nov., and burnt the following evening. On 27 Nov., however, the Northampton Mercury asserted that he ‘did not vote on this question as before stated, but was prevented from attending by severe indisposition’.
The government must have been aware that, when so great a change was proposed, vast public excitement would be the consequence, and upon them rests the responsibility of proposing a change which it is impossible we should agree to. This measure will introduce too great a share of democracy, and I hope that it will not pass.
He voted accordingly next day. He attended the Northamptonshire reform meeting at the shire hall in Northampton, 13 Apr., but when, after a two-hour delay caused by a tumultuous crowd, the sheriff adjourned the meeting to the market place, he joined Sir Robert Gunning, Tory Member for Northampton, in complaining that the move outside was unprecedented and leaving to draw up a letter of protest.
At the ensuing general election he offered again, expecting to be returned with Althorp, from whom he had received assurances that ‘none of my people will stir’ against their sharing the representation.
Carwright died in January 1847, having been ‘ill for many months’. He had evidently managed his Aynho estate incompetently, for his heir Thomas warned his own son, 4 Apr. 1844, that it would need ‘a little nursing’. He blamed the rebuilding of the house, 1800-5, his many election contests, and added, ‘My father had debts of about £50,000 on the estate, or personally to him, £35,000 he paid off, and £16,000 still remains upon the property’.
