Mid-seventeenth century Totnes was a town in decline. It had failed before 1640 to capitalize on the opportunity to modernize its industrial capacity represented by the rise of the so-called ‘new draperies’, the lighter cloths exported by other Devon towns in preference to the traditional heavy Devon broadcloths. In 1676, Totnes was said to have a population of 1,950, in comparison with more than 3,000 thought to be living in the three parishes that made up Dartmouth.
The castle of Totnes was in decay at this time, a crumbling symbol of the town’s downward progress, but the barony was in the hands of the Seymours of Berry Pomeroy, three miles away.
The election of Oliver St John, a complete outsider, to the first of the borough’s two seats in the elections of 1640 has to be attributed to the patronage of Francis Russell, 4th earl of Bedford, in whose household St John served as steward. His colleague in the second seat, John Maynard, was a Middle Temple lawyer with plenty of influence in Devon: through family origins in the South Hams, through his father, who was probably the county’s leading barrister, and specifically in Totnes through links with his kinsman, Christopher Maynard. It is an exaggeration to describe John Maynard as ‘closely related’ to Christopher, but the relationship was close enough to be meaningful, and Bedford’s influence need not be invoked to explain the election.
Christopher Maynard was one of the burgesses who petitioned Devon quarter sessions in January 1642 with a comprehensive catalogue of grievances. They attributed the decline in their trade to competition from trading companies such as the Spanish and French Companies of London, to whom they had to pay ‘intolerable taxes and burthens’, even though trade with France and Spain was their main business, since domestic trading was in sharp downturn. The burgesses complained of the royal monopoly over the tin industry, of the Book of Rates – which they considered imposed customs duties on a scale they found oppressive – and of the depredations of Turkish pirates. They also reckoned that the scale of the ‘decay of trade’ could be assessed at a sum greater than £15,000, lost to them since the slump. Almost as an unrelated addendum the townsmen also listed the plots of papists, the persecutions of bishops and lax enforcement of the recusancy laws, the unrestrained mayhem of the Irish rebels, and other unspecified conspiracies. It is clear that in the minds of the Totnesians, the general crisis of 1640-2 was inseparable from the crisis afflicting the economic life of their community, but the well-rehearsed content of some of these complaints should be noted: Totnes merchants had first complained of the French Company to the privy council in 1613.
During the civil war, Totnes was a divided town. In 1643 the townspeople refused to co-operate with a royalist troop in pursuit of parliamentarians, and sent soldiers to Parliament’s garrison at Plymouth.
Not until 1654 was a fresh parliamentary election held in Totnes. The Instrument of Government had reduced the representation of the borough to one seat. In the indenture returning John Disbrowe, elected on 10 July 1654, he was described as one of the gernerals-at-sea, but his local standing derived from his other post, that of major-general of the south west, a role he had kept since 1649. The names of 31 burgesses appear on the indenture, suggesting in electoral terms an elastic definition of burgess-ship.
Right of election: in the mayor and burgesses
Number of voters: 31 in 1654; 44 in 1659
