The late medieval period was one of decline for the once-thriving port of Grimsby, which, in the fifteenth century, was ‘a small town growing poorer’.
The names of both men who represented Grimsby are known for 18 of the 22 Parliaments which met during the reign of Henry VI, together with that of one of the borough’s MPs in the Coventry Parliament of 1459. Eighteen individuals were returned, taking 45 of the borough’s seats between them.
The 18 MPs can, with the notable exception of Staunton, be divided into two categories. The first category consists of resident burgesses, with no significant landholdings outside the town, who belonged to the pool from which its office-holders were drawn. Such men had dominated the representation of Grimsby before 1422, but numbered only eight, taking only 11 seats, during our period.
Little of significance can be said about the relationship between election to Parliament and the holding of office in the borough. Of the eight resident burgesses, six held one or more of the borough offices, the exceptions being Chandler and William Duffield, and five of these had done so before their first election to Parliament. Of the nine MPs whose main interests lay outside the borough, only three held office, and only one, John del See, had done so before first election. There was occasionally a relationship between representation and the serving officers: Edon, in 1455, and Sheriff, in 1459, were returned while mayor; in 1432 Fulnetby was elected when bailiff; and Dene, in 1450, and Edon, in 1460, held office as coroner when returned.
Experience of borough administration was not, however, an important factor in determining the result of elections. The frequent election of outsiders meant that, of the 18 MPs, only five held the mayoralty, and aside from the two seats filled by serving mayors, only three more were taken by former ones. Similarly only five seats were filled by former bailiffs, aside from the single one taken by a serving bailiff in 1432. As a result, only a relatively small proportion of those active in Grimsby’s administration ever represented it in Parliament. For example, of the 22 men who served as mayor during the Lancastrian period, only six represented the town in Parliament.
The official returns for Grimsby are uninformative about electoral procedure. With one exception, they take the form of an endorsement of the writ of summons addressed to the Lincolnshire sheriff with the names of those elected for the borough, their mainpernors and the bailiffs, who acted as returning officers. The exception is an indenture in respect of the Parliament of 1459, drawn up between the county sheriff, on the one part, and the mayor, John Sheriff, who was himself returned, and 11 prominent burgesses as the attestors, on the other (it makes no mention of the bailiffs).
The deficiencies of the official returns, however, are more than adequately counterbalanced by the evidence of electoral practice surviving among the borough archives. Poll lists for seven parliamentary elections between 1455 and 1487 are to be found in the court rolls and the earliest of the borough’s court books.
Later poll lists take a similar form with the number of electors varying from 22 to 31 and always including the mayor, and of candidates attracting votes between three and five. Clearly the MPs were generally elected, at least from 1455, by the majority verdict of the burgesses present in the borough court, and in the absence of evidence to the contrary it is reasonable to assume that the franchise comprised all the burgesses. As remarked above, their number was in decline during the second half of the fifteenth century, but the number of electors did not show a parallel decline, implying that a growing proportion of the burghal body was coming to vote.
The period under review here was one of transition in electoral practice. In the late fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries parliamentary elections had been made by a jury of 12, but by the late 1440s a wider franchise was emerging. The election to the Parliament of 1447 was made in the common hall before the mayor and coroners by 25 burgesses; and although the next election, held in January 1449, was again made by a jury of 12, the next documented election, that of 1455, was the poll of 29 electors.
Whatever the electoral practice adopted, an influential factor in determining the town’s representation was the burgesses’ need to find Members who would serve for a good deal less than the 2s. a day to which borough MPs were theoretically entitled. Indeed, Grimsby’s declining finances meant that this need became increasingly pressing over time. In 1394, for example, the borough had paid one of its MPs 20d. a day and the other 18d. a day. The latter rate was the usual payment during the 1390s, but the MPs in the Parliament of 1417 were paid at only 12d. and 10d. a day.
The surviving assessments for the payment of the MPs to the Parliaments of November 1449 and 1459 suggest that, without such bargains, the cost of representation in assemblies which lasted over more than one session would have been extremely burdensome. On each occasion there were nearly 200 contributors to the levy, divided into four groups according to their place of residence within the town, and yet the total sum raised was only about £6 in the first instance and £7 in the second. And while the brevity of the Parliament of 1459 meant that the sum raised was sufficient for generous payments, that of November 1449 was in session about 150 days and the unfortunate Members can only have received a few pence a day.
The premium this placed on finding men prepared to serve cheaply explains why the burgesses so often returned lawyers – as many as 20 of Grimsby’s 36 seats were so filled – but another important consequence of this financial imperative was the opportunity it provided for external influence in the borough’s elections. On 15 Dec. 1448 the courtier and Lincolnshire peer, John, Viscount Beaumont, wrote to the mayor and burgesses that, ‘yt may like you for my sake in your eleccion for your Burgesses of your said town to graunte your good will and voys to [my right trusty and welbeloved servaunt Rauff Chaundeler]’.
Such magnate involvement in Grimsby elections was a new phenomonen in the late Lancastrian period, and it was subsequently to become much more significant. At this date it could still be successfully resisted. For example, at the election of 1455 John Newport II polled only two votes despite the fact that he was in receipt of an annuity of ten marks, charged on the town’s fee farm, from Ralph Neville, earl of Westmorland. Later, however, mounting financial pressure obliged Grimsby to surrender its parliamentary independence. In the latter part of the fifteenth century an arrangement was reached with the next earl, under which the borough would return one of his nominees in return for a £20 commutation of the fee farm.
Grimsby’s economic decline had an obvious and significant impact on the town’s parliamentary representation: it led to a reduction in the number of wealthy townsmen, with the result that the electors had to look for its MPs to the local gentry or the associates of those magnates with an interest in the town’s affairs. The Lancastrian period thus marked the beginning of the process by which the borough’s representation came to be increasingly dominated by non-townsmen. That process went further in the sixteenth century: of the 15 or 16 representatives of the borough between 1509 and 1558, just five were townsmen, and, remarkably, of the Elizabethan MPs only one, John Bellow†, was resident in the town.
