Verney was a member of a family with strong historical ties with the county of Buckinghamshire, where his ancestors held by the 1220s the manor of Fleet Marston, a property that was to remain the family’s principal residence in the county until the much later acquisition of Middle Claydon and the construction of the first Claydon House.
Verney’s parents were able to place him as an apprentice with a member of London’s leading company, the Mercers. He probably began his apprenticeship with Thomas Fauconer* in 1425, since he issued from it in 1435-6, presumably at the end of the customary ten-year term.
Verney’s mercantile activities were typical of those of other prominent London mercers. He was actively involved in the cloth trade, periodically taking shipments to the continent through the port of London.
Verney invested at least some of the profits from his business dealings in the acquisition of property. It seems likely that he owned a substantial residence in the parish of St. Martin Pomary, where he was living at the time of his death and early in his career he was one of three holders of a tenement in the parish of St. Michael Bassishaw.
Verney’s career in London took time to develop, for despite being admitted to the livery of his company in 1439 or 1440, he was not appointed to any kind of office in the city until October 1452, when he was chosen to serve on a committee concerned with tithes.
He had by now also been drawn into wider politics. In July 1453, probably under the impression of military disaster in Gascony, he and a fellow mercer Geoffrey Feldyng* had advanced a loan of £98 to the Crown.
It is possible that Verney’s connexion with Whittingham played a part in his election to Parliament in 1459. The renewed discord between the supporters of Richard, duke of York, and Henry VI’s court found its outlet that autumn in open civil war. When Parliament assembled at Coventry in the aftermath of the rout of the Yorkists at Ludford Bridge and the flight of York and his Neville allies, the attainder of the exiles became its principal business. In subsequent months the Londoners also sought to capitalize on Verney’s links with the court. Thus, he was twice part of deputations to the King, the second of which, appointed in the wake of the Yorkist invasion in June 1460 and, as would transpire, on the eve of the decisive battle at Northampton, was charged with the delicate task of excusing the city from providing the monarch with material help in his moment of need.
The Londoners’ caution was well advised, since it took another year until the Yorkists were able to stabilize their rule. While Verney had ostensibly done nothing to cause Edward’s administration to be suspicious of him, he took the precaution of suing out a pardon from the new King in February 1462.
After completing his term as mayor, Verney continued to forge ties with the Yorkist administration. Even before he had reliquished the city mayoralty, he was chosen to succeed Geoffrey Feldyng as mayor of the Westminster staple, responsible for scrutinising and enforcing debt and credit arrangements made between merchants and their suppliers and customers, a post he would hold until his death, almost 12 years later. That Verney was now in favour with the new regime is clear from the grant made to him and his heirs in August 1467 of property in Buckinghamshire that had been forfeited by William Wandesford who, like Whittingham, had been attainted at Edward IV’s first Parliament.
The political crisis of 1469-71 initially presented no ostensible problems for Verney who was once again chosen to represent London in the Parliament summoned by the earl of Warwick in the captive King’s name to meet at York, but cancelled before it could assemble. The same was arguably not true a year later, when Warwick’s complete disaffection with his cousin’s rule caused him to make terms with Margaret of Anjou, drive Edward into exile and return Henry VI to the throne. In Robert Whittingham, who had remained resolutely loyal to King Henry, Verney might have found an advocate, but it is not clear whether and for how long Whittingham returned to the capital during the Readeption. In the final months of 1470 Verney may have lain low, but early in the new year, as rumours of Edward IV’s imminent return began to circulate, he threw in his lot with the Yorkist cause. The court of aldermen was split, and many leading Londoners prevaricated. In February 1471 the mayor, John Stokton, fell ill or, according to one account, feigned illness. Richard Lee* was chosen to replace him, but was himself forced to step aside when Thomas Cook II*, who had been reinstated to his aldermanry by the Lancastrians, secured enough support to be able to take over as mayor. Cook, in turn, fled on hearing of the imminent arrival of the Yorkist forces in early April, at which point Verney seems to have temporarily assumed the reins of power. He thus played a pivotal role in the defence of London against the assault by the Bastard of Fauconberg. On 21 May Edward IV re-entered London in triumph and knighted no fewer than 12 aldermen, including Verney.
On Edward’s return, Verney once again became active as a provider of finance to the administration. He lent a fresh £200 in the autumn of 1471, and over the course of the following two years made at least ten further loans. The sums involved were not huge by the standards of those advanced by other Londoners in that period, none exceeding the £101 13s. 3½d. he lent in the spring of 1473. Yet the frequency of his lending, which continued until the autumn of that year, suggests that he was seen as a useful source of funds by the government. A further sign of the regard in which Verney was held by the Crown came when he, along with Sir John Fogg† and others, was nominated by Edward IV to take possession of the estates of Sir John Arundell of Lanherne. They were to hold the lands until Sir John paid a fine of 6,000 marks for opposing the King at the battle of Tewkesbury.
The death of Robert Whittingham at Tewkesbury and Verney’s continuing good relations with the King, provided him with a fresh opportunity to seek to gain possession of his daughter-in-law’s inheritance, albeit with limited success. In February 1472 ‘for certain sums of money’ he and a kinsman by marriage, Richard Fowler†, were granted the reversion, in the event of Sir Thomas Montgomery’s death without male issue, of three manors in Buckinghamshire, holdings in several other locations in the county, and property in three parishes in London, to the use of Verney and his heirs. The following month a grant was made by the King ‘in consideration of the good and faithful service of Ralph Verney knight’, to John and Margaret Verney which effectively reversed Whittingham’s attainder by allowing her to inherit her father’s estates. Crucially, however, the grant specifically excluded the lands granted to Montgomery and the duke of Gloucester, although she was granted the manor of Pendley in Hertfordshire.
Little is recorded of Verney’s last years, although he continued to serve as both an alderman in London and as mayor of the Westminster staple until his death. On 11 June 1478 he drew up a will in which he asked to be buried in a tomb between the choir and the Lady chapel of the parish church of St. Martin Pomary, where he established a chantry for a term of ten years. In line with London custom, he divided his goods into three parts, of which the first was assigned to his widow, the second to his sons John and Ralph, and the last to his executors to fund his charitable bequests. He noted in his will that his two daughters, Beatrice and Margaret, had both received their marriage portions after their respective marriages to Henry Danvers and Sir Edward Raleigh of Farnborough in Warwickshire. Verney’s Buckinghamshire roots found reflection in further bequests, including 66s. 8d. left to the friary at Aylesbury, 100s. for repairs to the church at Fleet Marston and ten marks for distribution among the poor of the same town. To his stepson and former apprentice, John Pykyng, Verney left 100 marks, half in satisfaction of goods that had once belonged to his father and half representing the ‘good will, love and favour’ that Verney bore towards him for his mother’s sake. Substantial bequests were left by Verney to his servants, and the overseeer of his will, the alderman John Broun, received a covered cup of silver gilt. He also asked his executors to give ten marks to the Friars Minor in Northampton to pray for the soul of an ‘aunt’ named Dame Alice Reygnes (probably Alice, widow of Thomas Reygnes* of Bedfordshire), now the wife of one John Christmas, and all ‘my good doers for a certayne season’. His executors were his widow, his two sons, John and Ralph, and Henry Danvers. Sir Ralph died on 16 June, and probate of his will was granted nine days later.
In the years after Verney’s death Henry Danvers emerged as an important figure in the administration of his estate. In October 1483 he made a gift of his goods and chattels to Verney’s sons and to John Broun, almost certainly relating to sums of money totalling £1,200 which Danvers had advanced to Emma Verney in order to help pay off certain debts, in addition to £330 9s. advanced by Danvers to John Verney. In an attempt to secure control of the Verney estates, Danvers also began litigation in Chancery, but the Verney brothers denied his title, pointing out that at his death their father had left goods, chattels, merchandise and good debts totalling over £4,000, and that Danvers had already received more than £2,500 worth of goods.
