John Lake served in arms for the royalist cause in the first Civil War before entering holy orders. At the Restoration his appointment to the living of Leeds was so unpopular with the Puritan laity that it sparked civil disorder.
Lake made his political loyalties abundantly clear. When, in the summer of 1682 in the wake of the Exclusion debates, the corporation of Pontefract (where Lake owned property) added his name to their loyal address, at the suggestion of Sir John Kaye‡, Lake complained that
although no man would be more free and forward to subscribe an Address, which in good language, breathed that loyalty which it pretended to: yet in such a case I would judge for myself; and I detest and abhor such a trifle as that (which hath neither matter, nor words in it) as much as the late tumultuous petitions. … it adds (lawful successors) so improperly and impertinently that I think it had better have been left out. In short, such is my present sense of it, that if all my brethren of the clergy had signed it, I would not; and I would (if it was practicable) go twice as far as Pontefract to blot my name out again; and when it is published, I shall blush to think that my name is at a thing, which will look … so scandalously, amongst the meanest of the addresses which have hitherto been made.
Bodl. ms Eng. Hist. e. 47, f. 5.
In autumn 1682 Derby (in his capacity as lord of Man) nominated Lake to the bishopric of Sodor and Man. The see was a poor one and did not qualify the holder to sit in the House of Lords. It is unlikely that Lake spent much time there, and he soon wearied of the post. In March 1684 John Dolben, of York, recommended him as a candidate for the recently vacant see of Carlisle. As a Yorkshire man who ‘after many years well spent in better company’ had returned to the north and experienced life in the Isle of Man, Lake was thought well suited to life on the Scottish border. His one weakness ‘a little roughness sometimes, and but sometimes observable in him … will not be unsuitable for such a rough country’. When he failed to secure Carlisle he reluctantly settled instead for Bristol, an impoverished and difficult see that had already been turned down by the Anglican polemicist, Thomas Long. The appointment was delayed for several months, in part so that Lake would be able to assist Dolben in the consecration of Edward Rainbow, as bishop of Carlisle, but more importantly so that Lake could ‘make some profit in Man which hitherto hath yielded very little’.
Lake arrived in Bristol in the immediate aftermath of the divisive quo warranto action against the corporation. The city was, he reported, ‘divided and distracted and there are persons truly and highly loyal on both hands’. On his arrival in September 1684 he noted that Henry Somerset, duke of Beaufort, was actively interfering in clerical appointments and began to get the measure of Richard Thompson, the quarrelsome dean of whom he remarked that ‘all things are fair and friendly thus far … but if any man would bet upon nature’s side I durst scarcely wager with him’. By November he declared that if it were not for Thompson and his ally, Sir John Knight‡, ‘I could render Bristol easy enough’. He had also taken steps to secure an alliance with Beaufort, whose mind had been poisoned against him.
At the accession of James II, Lake went out of his way to ensure that Bristol presented itself in a good light, arranging for not one but four loyal addresses from different interests within the city and a fifth from the clergy.
On 19 May 1685 Lake took his seat in the Lords. Although he attended the session for almost 60 per cent of sittings, Lake was not active in the business of the House and was appointed to only two select committees. By June there was already talk of a further translation, not so much in recognition of Lake’s merits but as part of James II’s determination to create a vacancy in order to promote his loyal supporter, Sir Jonathan Trelawny, the future bishop of Bristol, Exeter and Winchester to a west country see. At that point the possibility was translation to Peterborough. But on 8 July when Lake wrote enthusiastically to Sancroft about Beaufort’s activity in ensuring that Bristol would not fall to supporters of James Scott, duke of Monmouth, he added a request for translation to Chichester instead which had become vacant by the death of Guy Carleton, two days earlier. When the request was promptly granted Lake wrote of his relief at being delivered from his confrontational dean, Richard Thompson, who ‘seemeth to emulate ... the bitter zeal of his grand exemplar’, namely Thomas Pierce, dean of Salisbury.
Lake found his new diocese to have been much neglected. Despite Carleton’s efforts, Lake considered the diocese to be ‘singularly factious and fanatic’ with conventicles in the major towns and Catholics eagerly seeking converts. During his first visitation in 1686 he travelled to places ‘where no man alive has seen a bishop before’. He also inherited yet another difficult local relationship, this time with the diocesan chancellor, Thomas Briggs.
By 1687 Lake was identified as an opponent of the king’s religious policies and was known to oppose the repeal of the Tests. He responded promptly to Sancroft’s summons about the reading of the second Declaration of Indulgence, joining his fellow bishops at Lambeth on 18 May 1688 and signing the petition to the king. Together with the other six signatories he refused to enter a recognizance of £500 to appear in king’s bench on a charge of seditious libel and was committed to the Tower.
On 28 Sept. Lake was one of the bishops present at Whitehall to hear the king backtrack on his policies, including a promise to revoke the suspension of Henry Compton, of London, and the abolition of the ecclesiastical commissioners. A few days later, on 3 Oct., he was again at Whitehall with his fellow bishops proffering the demands of the Church to the king, thinly disguised as ‘heads of advice’.
On 22 Jan. 1689 Lake took his seat in the Convention. He remained in the House throughout the debates on the regency, voted in favour of it on 29 Jan. and opposed the accession of William and Mary on 31 January. He continued to attend throughout the abdication debates of early February, when he voted against the Commons’ wording and entered his protest after the final vote on 6 Feb. 1689. He was present the following day when the House approved the new oaths but although he was present on 18 Feb. to hear the new king’s speech his attendance had become erratic and he made his final appearance in the House on 28 Feb. 1689. Following Sancroft’s lead, he refused the new oaths, telling the archbishop that he was ‘very proud to be reckoned of the same feather with your grace’.
