John Pearson, who became a celebrated patristic scholar of the seventeenth century, came from something of a clerical dynasty. His mother was the daughter of a bishop of London, his father a clergyman who had sympathized with the anti-Calvinist churchmanship of Richard Mountague†, bishop of Norwich. One of his cousins was the royalist clergyman Thomas Mallory, son and namesake of the dean of Chester. The family also had useful secular connections: another cousin was Sir Charles Cornwallis†, who represented Eye in the Commons from 1662 to 1675, and through this connection Pearson was distantly linked to the Barons Cornwallis. By the Restoration Pearson was a client of George Berkeley, 9th Baron (later earl of) Berkeley.
During the civil wars, Pearson was counted as one of London’s ‘cavalier’ ministers
Pearson took his seat in the Lords for the 1673 session on 18 Feb., subsequently attending for nearly 60 per cent of sittings. On 1 Mar. 1673 he was added to the committee on the private bill for Berkeley, a committee in which it seems likely, given his personal connection to the family, that he did participate. On 19 Mar. 1673 Pearson was present when the Commons sent up a bill for the ease of Protestant Dissenters and went into a committee of the whole on the bill to prevent dangers from Catholics. He attended on 22 and 25 Mar. for debates on the Dissenters bill. The next session began on 27 Oct. 1673. Pearson was appointed to the sessional committees, but after only eight days Parliament was prorogued. The following day, 5 Nov. 1673, Pearson preached the thanksgiving sermon at Westminster Abbey, reiterating his stand on ‘public and united’ worship. He used the sermon to attack Catholicism and to warn nonconformists that they were weakening the Church’s fight against Rome.
On 1 Dec. 1673, in advance of the spring 1674 session, Pearson received the proxy of Edward Rainbowe, of Carlisle (who was absent from the House until April 1675). He attended the House for the start of business on 7 Jan. 1674, attending for 85 per cent of sittings. Although present on 10 Feb. when a committee of the whole debated the ‘heads for securing the Protestant religion’, he did not attend on 13 Feb. when George Morley, of Winchester, introduced a new bill to invite ‘sober and peaceably-minded’ Dissenters into the Church. On 19 Feb. the bill had a second reading, and Pearson was one of several bishops, including John Dolben, of Rochester, Benjamin Laney, of Ely, and Seth Ward, of Salisbury, who voted that no minister should be obliged to wear the surplice or use the cross in baptism. The bill was carried ‘by almost twenty votes’ after a ‘great debate’ when Pearson, Morley, Ward and Dolben were ‘for the commitment and spoke for the thing’, but was eventually lost with the prorogation on 24 Feb. 1674.
Pearson returned to his diocese for the summer months of 1674 to conduct a visitation.
During the early months of 1675 he was involved in further unsuccessful negotiations with Morley, Ward and Baxter about comprehension.
After spending the recess in Chester, Pearson was at Westminster for the first day of the session on 15 Feb. 1677 and was promptly named to the committee to enquire into the writer and printer of the contentious Some Considerations upon the Question Whether the Parliament is Dissolved by Prorogation for Fifteen Months. He attended the session for 59 per cent of sittings and was present on 21 Feb. when the House went into committee on the security of the protestant religion. On 30 Mar. 1677 he was one of those nominated ‘to interpose and mediate’ in the marital dispute between Thomas Leigh, 2nd Baron Leigh, and his wife. On 28 Jan. 1678 Pearson was in the House to hear of the committal of Philip Herbert, 7th earl of Pembroke. The following day he failed to join the protest, led by William Sancroft, against the earl’s release. After the prorogation Pearson resumed his seat on 23 May 1678 and attended the House regularly until the end of the session on 15 July 1678. On 8 July he was present for the debates on the appeal of Louis de Duras, 2nd earl of Feversham. Baron Finch, the lord chancellor who had presided over the original case in chancery, reported in some exasperation that Pearson ‘talked scholastically upon the words “dependent” and “coherent” but understood not at all that sense in which the lawyers used those words’ and thus contributed to what Finch considered to be an erroneous verdict that overturned the original decree.
Pearson did not appear at the start of the next session in October 1678, thus missing the emotive debate on 19 Nov. when the duke of York pleaded for an exemption from the second Test.
Pearson appeared on the second day of the first Exclusion Parliament, 7 Mar. 1679. He attended the first day of the main session, on 15 Mar., and thereafter attended 23 per cent of sitting days. and was present on 26 Mar. for the third reading and vote on the banishment of Danby. Although he was not recorded in the printed Journal as attending on 14 Apr. 1679, surviving division lists name him as one of the six bishops who left the chamber rather than vote for the attainder of Danby. Pearson attended the House sporadically throughout May 1679 but was absent for every debate that month on the matter of the bishops’ right to vote in capital cases. On 9 May 1679 Pearson was excused attendance at a call of the House and, with the exception of two days at the end of the month, he stayed away for the rest of the session. In August 1679 he wrote to Sancroft about the necessity of promoting strong-principled churchmen in a region ‘whereon a numerous party of each separation hath acted these many years’.
Throughout the summer and winter of 1679 and for much of 1680 Pearson remained in Chester. He fretted over his enforced absence from London, especially with regard to a case pending in common pleas over the Staffordshire rectory of Bradley (‘sacrilegiously made ... away’ by the first bishop after the Reformation); he asked Sancroft to lobby lord chief justice Charles North, 5th Baron North, to ‘be careful of the right of the Church’.
As the Tory reaction began to bite the diocese of Chester became increasingly polarized. Pearson was caught between political factions when his clergy came under political scrutiny from the gentry and nobility. He was pressurized to suppress certain lectures on the grounds that they encouraged whiggism and hampered the execution of the penal laws. Pearson also found himself at odds with his own dean, James Arderne (an appointee of the ecclesiastical commissioners) who was enthusiastically committed to rooting out political opposition. Pearson himself pointed to the success of the lectures in recovering to the Church wavering nonconformists ‘who otherwise had passed over into the tents of desperation’.
By 1685 Pearson’s health was deteriorating rapidly, and he was unable to attend the opening of James II’s first Parliament. In December 1685 William Lloyd reported that Pearson was deaf and bedridden. When visited by Henry Dodwell, his ‘great friend and fellow labourer’, Pearson’s confusion left Dodwell shocked and ‘ashamed’ at the degeneration of such a great mind.
Despite the success of his publications, the bishop was never a wealthy man. His diocesan revenue was an annual £744.
