Pembrokeshire was a maritime county at the south-western extremity of Wales. Administratively it comprised the hundreds of Castlemartin, Cemaes, Cilgerran, Dewisland, Dungleddy (Daugleddau), Narberth and Roose (Rhos).
At a magistrates’ meeting on 17 Apr. 1820, Owen proposed petitioning against the coastwise coal duty and alteration of the corn laws, in which he had vested interests, and the nobility and Haverfordwest petitioned accordingly.
There were illuminations at Fishguard, Haverfordwest and Tenby when the legal proceedings against Queen Caroline were abandoned in November 1820; and Jones’s victory at the Carmarthen by-election in July 1821 was celebrated throughout Pembrokeshire, where it was seen as a snub to Cawdor, whose seat it had been, and a triumph for Owen.
Owen’s recent applications for patronage had been rejected;
Phillips and Company, the Haverfordwest and Narberth bank, had been weakened through the death of Nathaniel Phillips of Slebech, who threw himself out of a window in Amsterdam in July 1824, and it did not recover after suspending payment during the 1825-6 banking crisis. Saer and Company, which survived, was also threatened and between December 1825 and March 1826 the gentry met regularly and established a committee under the chairmanship of Sir Henry Mathias of Haverfordwest to monitor the situation and restore confidence in the bank.
The corn importation bill proved unpopular and agriculture and the quarrying industry were depressed when in January 1827 a mob assembled at Fishguard, where there had been an enclosure riot three years previously, to protest against the loading of a shipment of corn. The yeomanry were called out for the first time since the French had landed in 1797, the skirmish was contained, and those taken prisoner were treated leniently when tried at the spring sessions at Haverfordwest.
Between November 1830 and March 1831, ‘almost every church of Dissenting Christians throughout the county of Pembroke’, the Calvinistic Methodists, the Independents, Wesleyan Methodists and the clergy and inhabitants of most boroughs and parishes petitioned both Houses urging the abolition of colonial slavery. Many were forwarded to Sir Gerard Noel, John Wilks (secretary of the Society for the Protection of Religious Liberty), the Owens and Lord Morpeth for presentation to the Commons and to Cawdor for presentation to the Lords.
From Haverfordwest, the absent squire of Trecoon Joseph Foster Barham* was informed by his agent John Harvey that ‘the feeling is really strong against ... [Owen] and the greatest difficulty appears to be only the selection of a proper person to oppose him’.
A more ardent contest ... never before occurred in South Wales ... The subsheriffs in the various booths were retained in the first instance for Sir John Owen, and afterwards substituted by the sheriffs in the present vocations; and they by their partialities put considerable impediments in the way of the efforts of the popular party; but victory is certain.
Owen was consistently ahead but his majority fluctuated. Haverfordwest was ‘in a state of uproar and tumult’ and the lawyers were busy, but polling was not interrupted.
While the petition was prepared, Greville was wined and dined at Haverfordwest, Narberth and Carmarthen, and The Times printed a series of letters, which many attributed to Allen, scornful of Owen’s nepotism, simony, poor parliamentary attendance, subservience to Peel and votes. Mirehouse responded in kind when it was reported that he intended satisfying his quest for a parliamentary seat by coming in for the Boroughs in Hugh Owen’s place, for a financial consideration.
Some of Mirehouse’s mushroom voters have made admissions to other persons and this, according to Sir James Scarlett*, is the best of all evidence. Two of his principal tenants in Angle declined to accept the leases or arrangements that had been prepared for them for political purposes. Would not the evidence of these persons be material?
Eaton Evans and Williams mss 5174; Cambrian, 30 July, 13 Aug. 1831.
Greville hoped to unseat Owen without invalidating the election and, failing this, to have a new writ issued. It was decided, apparently by Allen, Cawdor, Kensington and Philipps in London,
On 16 Sept. 1831 the clerk of the peace Henry Rees presented depositions and copies of the pollbooks and land tax assessments to the election committee chaired by the Whig Member for Herefordshire, Sir Robert Price, and packed with reformers.
Greville’s new canvassing address poured scorn on Owen’s commitment to reform and warned that he would revert to his old colours when the bill encountered problems in the Lords, who received petitions urging its passage from the freeholders and inhabitants, 3 Oct., and from Fishguard, 10 Oct. 1831.
A voter upon proving a verbal contract for a lease for life or lives on the condition of an outlay in building further proving the performance of such contract on his part and a substantial outlay to the amount of at least thirty pounds, and that such performance and outlay were complete 12 months before the first day of the election has been admitted to vote upon an equitable title. But note that such contract must have been made with the owner of the estate or with the agent of such owner; and if with the agent only, must have been either authorized beforehand or subsequently recognized by the owner. Further note, that according to the terms agreed upon by both parties and acted upon from the beginning of the 2nd day’s poll, the voter alone is to be examined upon this matter. Upon the credit due to the voter’s account, the deputy sheriffs are requested to decide. And the deputy sheriffs are requested not to send any more cases to the assessor similar to that above mentioned as decided by him.
Eaton Evans and Williams mss 4569.
The Morning Chronicle and The Times thought this would work to Owen’s advantage, and deplored his subsequent victory as a ‘triumph of fraud, chicanery, trickery and grossest political dishonesty’. They denounced the partisan conduct of the clergy and squirearchy who, according to pollbook evidence, had supported Owen in preference to Greville in a ratio of approximately 60 to 40 at both elections. The reduced turnout in October, when 2,954 polled, was spread evenly across the hundreds and partly attributable to poor weather, the attendance of fewer distant voters and the reluctance of party agents to push dubiously qualified voters. Switching was rare, with about 1,295 voters for Owen and 1,224 for Greville voting the same way at both elections; but David Saunders Davies of Pentre, chairman of Cardiganshire quarter sessions, gave his interest to Greville in May and to Owen in October, the attorneys William Amlot and Thomas Herbert refused to serve Owen in October and James Hughes decided against accepting Greville’s retainer.
The candidates had accumulated debts of at least £22,000: the Blue inn, The Mariners, and Greville’s lawyers alone were owed £1,878 and £2,500; and the sheriff over £2,300 for the booths, staff and stationery. Owen, whose finances never recovered, raised £11,000 through property sales and loans from his son. Greville, who received innkeepers’ bills for £15,000, sought refuge on the continent and did not return to Milford for 20 years. Actions for debt brought against him and his committee blighted the fortunes of the Blues for a generation.
Sir John Owen and his son have given to the government in the last Parliament a reluctant but uncompromising support. They are renegade Tories and in olden times fought many hard and expensive battles in Pembrokeshire against the Whig interest of which Lord Cawdor was the champion. The hatred of ancient feuds survives the recent change, and terriers desire not more to worry [a] rat, than Lord Cawdor to diminish the political power of Sir John Owen. At the last election [Edward] Ellice* supported Mr. Greville against Sir John; the battle was hard fought; the interest of government failed, and Sir John won the day. Notwithstanding this provocation, Sir John and his son thought it prudent to pocket the affront, and they voted with us. The question now is shall we repeat the experiment at the instigation of Lord Cawdor with a second defeat; and in the event of Sir J. Owen’s success give just cause for offence both to father and son; or shall we be neuter, and displease both Owen and Lord Cawdor, or shall we support Sir John, on the grounds that the votes which he gave in the last Parliament now entitle him to our assistance? The last course will be wormwood to Lord Cawdor; but is, I rather think, both political and just.
Sir James Graham mss (IHR microfilm XR 80) 2, bdle. 14, Graham to C. Wood, 8 Sept. 1832.
Three-thousand-six-hundred-and-sixty-four electors were registered at the new polling towns of Fishguard, Haverfordwest, Mathry, Narberth, Newport, Pembroke and Tenby in November 1832, when counsel upheld only 85 of the 911 objections raised by Allen’s agent, but 386 of 615 cases raised by Owen’s. Allen afterwards withdrew his candidature despite continued support from the Welshman and a group of influential middle rank squires.
Number of voters: 3799 in May 1831
Estimated voters: over 3,000
