Mayo, a predominantly Catholic county, produced mainly oats, potatoes and barley and had an ‘extensive’ manufactory of linens, based chiefly in ‘cabins of the poor ... furnished with a loom’. Its population of 293,112 in 1821 had grown to 367,956 by 1831, making it the third largest after Cork and Tipperary. There were several market towns, including Ballinrobe, Ballyclare, Foxford and Killala, and the disfranchised boroughs of Castlebar, the venue for county elections, and Westport, the ‘chief market’ for its linens.
Shortly before the 1820 general election there were reports of disturbances by the ribbonmen, against which Denis Browne was noted by the Liverpool ministry to be ‘very valiantly defending’ the county.
Bingham will certainly give the electors of this county an opportunity at the next election of exercising their franchises, and I trust and, indeed, hope that they will seize it in such a manner as to show their hatred and contempt for empty professions of liberality at the other side of the water, as well as the grossest bigotry and oppression on this.
O’Connell Corresp. iii. 1162.
The ensuing petition was presented by Dominick Browne, 19 Apr. 1825, and reached the Lords the same day.
On 26 Apr. Sligo informed Canning, the foreign secretary, that Denis Browne’s ‘unguarded, and, as he says, misrepresented evidence’ against the Catholic priests before the Irish committee had ‘raised such a breeze in Mayo’ that
at the approaching election we expect a very severe contest ... The period at which this election may take place will have a great effect on the result of it, in consequence of the date of the different registries. If therefore you may happen to feel yourself at liberty to say when you think it likely to take place it will be a great obligation if you will let me know it, as it will enable me to make preparations.
Harewood mss.
During the rumours of a dissolution in September 1825 Peel was advised that the Catholics were ‘determined to punish the Brownes in Mayo’, where Denis had ‘grievously offended the priesthood, although he still retains much of the laity’.
I have not heard the slightest objection made to me by any of Bingham’s friends except that I being a candidate myself interfere in the election of the other Member, by myself and my immediate friends giving our second votes to James Browne, whose friends in return support me. Such an arrangement I admit generally is open to objection, but I think in Mayo it is to be justified.
Add. 76135, Kirwan to Spencer, 6 May 1826.
At the 1826 general election Dominick and James Browne offered again, citing their support for Catholic relief. Bingham came forward as an ‘independent’, promising to support emancipation and overturn the ‘coalition’ of leading interests which had ‘taken deep root’ in the county. He was supported by O’Donel, who broke an earlier agreement to back Dominick Browne and exhorted his tenantry of 3,000 freeholders to give Bingham plumpers. Kirwan did not stand and it was reported that James Browne had lost his ‘very considerable’ interest ‘in consequence of the part the Sligo family were playing in Galway’. A ‘fierce and costly’ struggle between Bingham and James Browne was therefore anticipated, but a week before the election Dominick Browne, who was expected to ‘ride the first horse’, unexpectedly withdrew, blaming the ‘indefinite expense of a poll of 23,000 voters’ and the Catholic clergy’s unaccountable interference in favour of Bingham, ‘an untried man’. Dominick Browne has ‘retired on account of the expense’, George Dawson*, home office under-secretary, informed Peel. ‘The independents of Mayo have done a mischief: by the piques of county politics, they have given two Members to the treasury, and thrown out a steady reformer’, complained the Dublin Evening Post. Bingham and James Browne, who at the nomination was received with ‘unequivocal marks of disapprobation’, were returned unopposed. Afterwards an affray broke out in which five men were allegedly killed.
the conduct of the priests in Mayo is just what might have been expected from any body of men attacked in the manner in which they were attacked by Denis Browne in his evidence before the committee in 1825. Their hostility was personally directed against the family of Lord Sligo, but I have the authority of Dominick Browne and others to say that they conducted themselves at the election with great temper and discretion ... and they by no means deserve the character given of them in Lord Sligo’s letter.
Add. 40389, f. 80.
Both Members voted for Catholic claims, for which petitions reached the Commons, 5 Dec. 1826, 14 Feb. 1827, 4, 5, 27, 28 Feb. 1828, and the Lords, 14 Feb., 16 Mar. 1827, 19 Feb. 1828.
At the 1830 general election James Browne offered again, Sligo having secured the additional interest of Mrs. Palmer of Castle Lacken in return for promising to support the candidature of Sir William Henry Palmer. Dominick Browne also started, denouncing the ‘coalition’ between Sligo and Palmer and their ‘reciprocal promise of second votes’, which, as the Catholic bishop of Killala observed, was ‘thought by many’ to compromise ‘the independence of the voters, and may eventually be prejudicial to both’. At a meeting of the magistrates James Browne’s brother, John Denis Browne, defended the arrangement as ‘nothing more than the legitimate exercise of a friendly feeling towards the other’, but in the event Palmer, who denied the existence of any coalition, declined to stand.
You are aware I dare say that Sligo coalesced against me, but I have long since put Palmer and Bingham to flight, and McDonnell stood supported by the Catholic Association and some (not all) priests, having no claim but as a Catholic himself. This was most ungrateful to me, but what is to be expected from men politically and morally degraded by unjust laws for centuries?
Writing to Ffolkes the same day, Sligo remarked:
What a change between 23,000 freeholders and 850, of whom 630 alone voted, and I don’t think there exists producible above 70 more. It has not been an expensive affair, but Dominick was near losing it by his too long continuance in his foolish non-canvassing system. We have had a good deal of sparring and mutual caustic speeches, but I trust it has done no harm.
Norf. RO, Browne Ffolkes mss NRS 8741.
On 16 Nov. a petition from McDonnell was presented against the return, complaining that ‘menaces and intimidation’ had been used against his supporters and of ‘bribery and corruption’ by Dominick Browne, who had admitted on the hustings to having ‘bought’ the county. Another in similar terms was presented, 19 Nov. 1830. A committee was appointed, 11 Mar., but upheld the return, 18 Mar. 1831.
Petitions against further grants to the Kildare Place Society reached the Lords, 15 Nov., and the Commons, 2, 6 Dec. 1830. That day one from Westport for the continuation of the Irish fishery bounties reached the Commons.
In June 1831 Smith Stanley, the Irish secretary, offered Sligo the lord lieutenancy of the county, to which he was appointed the following year.
By the Irish Reform Act, six leaseholders (five registered at £10 and one at £20) and 24 rent-chargers (nine at £20 and 15 at £50) were added to the freeholders, who had increased to 1,320 (742 registered at £10, 277 at £20 and 301 at £50), giving a reformed constituency of 1,350.
Number of voters: 624 in 1830
Registered freeholders: 24,417 in 1829; 1,055 in 1830 1055 in 1830
