A county palatine of four wards or deaneries (Chester, Darlington, Easington and Stockton) Durham was agriculturally diverse and had rich deposits of coal, iron and lead. Despite their repeated requests to be transferred to Northumberland, the detached rural districts of Bedlingtonshire, Islandshire and Norhamshire, south of Berwick-upon-Tweed, remained part of the representative county of Durham until 1832 and of the administrative county until 1834. The only parliamentary borough, the city of Durham, was the assize and election town. The other principal market towns were Barnard Castle, Bishop Auckland, Chester-le-Street, Darlington, Gateshead, Hartlepool, Sedgefield, South Shields, Staindrop, Stanhope, Stockton and Sunderland.
The strongest territorial interests were those of the Whig boroughmonger William Harry Vane†, 3rd earl of Darlington, of Raby Castle, the lord lieutenant since 1792, and of the church, whose head, the bishop of Durham, appointed the sheriff and county officers. The freeholders had last polled in 1807, and party loyalties, fostered in the Tory Durham County Advertiser, the Whig Durham Chronicle and the Newcastle-upon-Tyne papers, remained well defined. The Whigs were dominant among the gentry, many of whom also had votes and interests in neighbouring Northumberland and Newcastle. In 1820 the sitting Members were the Whig reformer John George Lambton, first returned on the death of Sir Harry Vane Tempest of Wynyard in 1813, and the Whig moderate William Powlett, Darlington’s second son, who had been substituted for his brother Viscount Barnard* in 1815. Both were expected to seek re-election.
The opposition is directed against Mr. Lambton. Mr. Powlett’s most honourable and constitutional line of politics secures to him the good wishes of those who think differently from him. Yet, unhappily, it will not be easy for us to support him, unless his friends show a readiness to give their second votes to Mr. Wharton. It would be a matter of deep regret if the results of our struggle were to unseat him ... Mr. Lambton’s strength in the great towns is understood to be very great; and he will be further strengthened by all that zeal, activity and ... expenditure can do for him. That party is made of more energetic material than their other opponents.
Pprs. of Sir William Chaytor, 1771-1847 ed. M.Y. Ashcroft (N. Yorks. Co. RO Publications, l (1993 edn.)) [Hereafter, Chaytor Pprs.], 35.
Committees for the three candidates met daily in London, Durham, Barnard Castle, Berwick-upon-Tweed, Bishop Auckland, Gateshead, South Shields, Stockton and Sunderland. Lambton, who had the full backing of his father-in-law Lord Grey and the Northumberland and Durham Whigs, impressed with grand cavalcades and bold denouncements of the Liverpool government, in which he equated his campaign to safeguard the county’s ‘independence’ with Henry Brougham’s* ‘crusade’ against the Lowthers in Westmorland. Wharton’s committee secretary Rowland Burdon† of Castle Eden admitted that his candidate’s personal canvass was a disaster; but he could still rely on the ship owners and the anti-Catholic clergy. Powlett, whose father also had contests at Camelford, Ilchester, Milborne Port and Tregony to finance, denied coalescing with Lambton and further jeopardized his return by trying to don the mantle of ‘independence’.
Thus has ended this contest which has been gratifying in all respects, except the expense, to Mr. Lambton and his friends. It has proved no doubt that his popularity is great, but it has proved still more decisively, that his enemies are feeble, unpopular and formidable only from their intolerance, their violence and their hostility to every species of reform.
Diaries and Corresp. of James Losh ed. E. Hughes (Surtees Soc. clxxi), i. 109.
Powlett’s costs are not known. Lambton, who spent an estimated £30,000, claimed 1,417 unpolled supporters and took the credit for turning over 150 votes to Powlett, ‘who might otherwise have been in danger’. Grey surmised:
I believe on the whole this has been a fortunate event for Lambton’s interest. I thought that by his advertisement he had rather unnecessarily challenged his adversaries to a contest. But as there could be no doubt of their hostility to him, and of their determination to attack him in the first opportunity; it was fortunate for him that they were provoked to do so just at the moment when he stood highest in popular favour, and when they could find no candidate but one, who united in his own person, in addition to the unpopularity of his cause, every possible disadvantage. Lambton has now shown a strength and power, and has created such a feeling in his favour, as will probably secure him against future attack; and the church have sustained a severe blow, not only from the general effect of such a defeat, but by the disqualification of at least 150 votes, which they commanded in the parish clerks, sextons, Sherborne Hospital, and one or two other hospitals.
Grey mss, Grey to Ellice, 20 Mar. 1820.
Ministers were furious at the manner of Wharton’s retirement and the money wasted.
Lambton, who, with Taylor’s assistance, undertook most constituency business in the 1820 Parliament, presented petitions to the Commons for agricultural protection, 26 May 1820. Both Houses received petitions against the proposed alterations in the timber duties from the ship owners of Sunderland, 7 June.
Lambton’s intervention in the 1823 Durham city by-election failed to check the growing influence of Stewart, who had increased his share of county patronage following Lord Strathmore’s death (1821) and succeeded as 3rd marquess of Londonderry in 1822. He was granted the Seaham peerage the following year for the issue of his second marriage.
Van Mildert’s nominee Cuthbert Ellison* of Hepburn replaced Barrington as sheriff in September 1826, and the agriculturists and ship owners adopted protectionist petitions before Parliament met.
Whether Lambton’s brother or Russell stand, in a political sense (as both support Canning) the effect to our party is the same ... I should say, as a general rule, that it is your policy to coalesce (as you have done in the county of Down) with the most powerful family of adverse political principles to your own. Fortunately you have no great Tory competition to fear in Durham. The Lambtons, Russells and Rabys must always embarrass each other for the next 12 to 20 years. As in the city, the county will prefer two Members of opposite principles and if Seaham were of age the result would not be doubtful. Then your choice of ally must be made from the Whigs with a view to carry the county for your son, and to keep a seat in the city. Of the three Whig families Lambton’s is decidedly the most powerful from coal expenditure and family habits of representation. Therefore as far as Seaham’s interest is concerned in the county, and the family interest in the city, I should say your political alliance ought to lean towards Lambton in preference to the other families ... Regarding the expected opening for carrying a seat for the county and retaining the city seat, it is evident if I were to stand that you would have a double contest now and, to a certainty, a double contest at the next general election. If I were to stand for the county in a single contest we should have a decided union of all the Whigs against us as it would be a fair trial of strength between Whig and Tory in the county ... My opinion of the result would be that as Russell has a much fairer claim to county representation, standing in his own person, than Lambton’s brother, so I, having no land in the county, should, as your brother-in-law, have a worse claim than either ... The purse for a present contest ought, at least for the county, to be £30,000 and for the city £20,000, to be repeated at the next general election. For a determined hostility would inevitably grow out of the present attempt. I therefore consider my standing pregnant with mischief to your permanent family interest and with ruinous expense both at present and hereafter.
Durham CRO, Londonderry mss C83/3(1).
Londonderry was furious to find his options further curtailed by Hardinge’s appointment to Wellington’s coalition ministry in January 1828, which rendered by-elections necessary almost simultaneously in both constituencies. He settled with Lord Durham on shared representation in the city, and joined him and Cleveland in declaring steadfast neutrality in the county, with a view to conciliating the absent Russell, the county’s richest commoner. Russell’s canvass commenced under the direction of his uncle and borough manager Charles Tennyson*, assisted by Colonel Robert Mills* of Willington.
Petitions received by Parliament for repeal of the 1827 Malt Act, 18 Mar. 1828, 26 Feb. 1830, protection for lead ore, 28 Mar., 15, 25, 28 Apr., 2 May, and wool, 1, 5 May, 1828, and the continued circulation of small bank notes, 20 May, 3, 12, 13 June 1828, 12 Mar. 1830, were initiated by the agriculturists, the miners of the Derwent district and the ship owners, who with the merchants and traders of Sunderland also petitioned for repeal of the stamp duty on receipts, 25, 27 Feb., and in protest at the Northumberland and Durham coal owners’ price fixing ‘vends’, 9, 12 May 1828.
Dissatisfaction with Powlett for ‘trimming between the parties’ and with the mentally unstable Russell as a drunkard and ineffective Member had grown. Lord Durham suggested to Grey that if Howick should offer, ‘there is literally no one qualified in South Durham, to make even the shadow of an opposition, so much so, that I cannot imagine who would even think of starting, even were Howick not proposed’.
Powlett divided with the Wellington ministry when they were brought down on the civil list, 15 Nov. 1830. Russell, who subsequently made his boroughs available to the Grey ministry, was ‘shut out’. A hostile petition and declaration instigated by Cuthbert Rippon of Stanhope Castle, 22 Nov., enabled the Whigs to make political capital of Wellington’s decision to appoint Phillpotts bishop of Exeter while holding the lucrative living of Stanhope in commendam.
I am of opinion that Sunderland, South Shields and Gateshead, which expect Members, will be decidedly adverse to an anti-reformer, exclusive of Lord Cleveland’s and Lord Durham’s interests. The fact is the reform mania uncontrolled by positive influence, as in the case of close boroughs or of anger of the freemen, whom the bill disfranchises, is not to be overcome at this crisis.
Durham CRO, Londonderry mss C83/32.
Van Mildert warned Londonderry similarly, 3, 5 May:
For the clergy generally and for the chapter in particular, it is impossible for me to answer, nor can I pretend to any other influence than what may be supposed to arise from their knowledge of my sentiments. Nor, I confess, do I expect to find them at all unanimous on the question.
Ibid. C108/1, 2.
Williamson declared for the bill, economy and retrenchment and canvassed the principal towns with Mills, who deputized for Russell (then at Saltash) until the nomination. As anticipated, on 7 May the county adopted the address of thanks to William IV, proposed by Wilkinson and the Durham barrister William Charles Harland†, and a resolution, put by Barker and Rippon, in favour of Williamson and Russell. They were required to contribute only £1,000 towards their election costs.
No alterations affecting Durham were incorporated in the reintroduced reform bill. Williamson supported it steadily, but Russell, whose speech at Gateshead, 19 May, prompted unease, only paired for its enfranchisement in preference to Merthyr, 10 Aug. 1831, and became increasingly erratic in his conduct and attendance.
The boundary commissioners confirmed the arrangements for the boroughs of Durham, Gateshead, Sunderland and South Shields (which had petitioned for a second Member, complaining that its population was understated, 20 Mar. 1832); and likewise the county division, with the Northern wards polling at Chester-le-Street, Lanchester, South Shields, Sunderland, Whickham and the election town of Durham, and the Southern wards at Barnard Castle, Bishop Auckland, Middleton-in-Teesdale, Sedgefield, Stanhope, Stockton and the election town of Darlington.
As elsewhere in the North, the Grey ministry’s registry of deeds bill was especially disliked for failing to grant customary tenants equal status with copyholders. Representations against it were made to Lord Durham and his brothers and it became the subject of a sustained and hostile petitioning campaign, volubly supported by Hill Trevor on Londonderry’s behalf, 18 Oct. 1831, 31 Jan., 1 and 2 Feb. 1832.
The registration of 4,267 electors in Durham North (population 175,321) and 4,336 in Durham South (population 78,506) before the 1832 general election was closely scrutinized by both parties.
Number of voters: 2757 in 1820
Qualified electors: over 6,000
