The representation of Norwich was dictated by long-established rivalries in municipal politics, fluctuations in party funds and commercial considerations, notably the demise after 1825 of its textile industry, whose productivity consistently failed to match that of the Yorkshire manufactories.
The preferred representation was by one national and one local figure. The sitting Members in 1820 were William Smith, the pro-reform, pro-Catholic Unitarian leader who had first come in on the Blue and White interest in 1802, when ‘personally but not politically unknown’ in the constituency, and the Norwich banker and lapsed Quaker Richard Hanbury Gurney, who had defeated the Purple and Orange candidate Edward Harbord*, brother and heir of the lord lieutenant, the 2nd Baron Suffield, in 1818.
Up to last night there was no opposition started either for city or county. Dick, who came home greatly fuming in much misery is now in good heart and there is every prospect [of] Smith and him being returned again without ruinous expense. These symptoms of local peace arising from previous depletion - Tory money running low in Norwich and Whig money in Norfolk, though sweetness of spirit by no means abounds either among men of lamblets or men of barley. Whether Dick will not wash his hands of the concern after this bout I am doubtful. I wish he may, as the drain and nuisance together are unbearable and he seems of himself much of the opinion of his groom, who remarks that it is not a thing ‘fit for any gemman that’s fond of divarsion’.
Gurney mss 572/2.
The Blue and White party, victors at the municipal elections of 1819, rallied at the Swan for Smith and Gurney, who were returned unopposed, proposed by Dr. Edward Rigby and Anthony Hudson, and seconded by aldermen John Robberds and William Foster, supported by the attorney William Unthank and Stone, the speaker of the common council. At the ‘Purple and Orange’ party’s dinner at the Castle, Harvey reserved to himself the right to stand on their interest at the next election.
Most constituency business in that Parliament was bipartisan and entrusted to Smith. The proposed assize transfer from Thetford was petitioned for annually and was the subject of unsuccessful parliamentary motions, 11 June 1824, 24 Feb. 1825.
The Purple and Orange party consolidated their successes at the common council elections in April 1820 by securing the election of William Burt as mayor, and he declined to preside at the common hall on 2 Aug., when a strongly worded address of support for Queen Caroline was adopted, opposed solely by Harvey’s son Kerrison Harvey.
Through the Purple and Orange alderman William Crisp Brown, a maltster and the purchaser of one in nine of the estimated 40,500 chaldrons transported to Norwich annually from Great Yarmouth, the corporation and manufacturers played a vital part in promoting the Norwich and Lowestoft navigation bill, which Smith introduced, after much haggling, 9 Feb. 1826.
Norwich is a manufacturing town of considerable consequence, and ... the business to be done requires constant attendance. As we wish to avoid being engaged in a contested election, and Norwich being notorious in favour of one, should Jonathan feel himself called to give up all prospect of being one of the Members, could you afford him hopes of getting a seat recommended by government? If the invitation of voters be of that respectable kind that will almost secure him a seat it is to be hoped that your brother will, by attention to his duties, make its continuance easy to him afterwards.
Add. 40386, f. 241.
On the 8th Crisp Brown informed the home secretary:
Since my return I have made it a point to see the greater part of those who generally take a part in opposing us, and I have great pleasure in informing you, that every one to whom I introduced the subject was willing and in fact desirous that the city should remain quiet: all they want is to secure Mr. Smith’s return, and they will not oppose any respectable candidate we may bring forward; they acknowledge they are satisfied with the conduct of ... ministers, that party feelings are much allayed, and they will discourage any opposition come it from where it may ... I have just seen Colonel Harvey, who once intended to offer himself as a candidate, and I am happy to say that he highly approved what has been done, and that he will give Major Peel every support in his power.
Ibid. f. 269.
Suspecting a coalition and angry at the loss of a local Member and the spoils of a contest, a freemen’s meeting convened by the operatives and tradesmen requisitioned the Whig Edward Lombe*, while 2,000, headed by the brushmaker John Hutchin, signed a requisition to Harvey and the Norfolk Tory Nathaniel William Peach* (as his second man). They all declined: Lombe on account of his candidature for Arundel, Peach and Harvey (who like Ives later sought a family baronetcy for his pains) as supporters of Peel. This left the Norwich-born barrister William Firth as the self-appointed third man, tacitly approved by the cathedral clergy as a fervent anti-Catholic, but resented as a supporter of the corn laws by the manufacturers, and ridiculed by the hierarchy of both parties. His addresses, however, prompted the Purple and Orange party to convene their supporters, summon their candidate and commence spending.
The Norfolk, Suffolk and Essex Railway Company’s scheme for a horse drawn railway to London, launched in the teeth of opposition from the Navigation Company and canal proprietors in 1825 with aldermen Booth and Ives as vice-chairmen, collapsed in August 1826 with the credit of its solicitor, the Member for Sudbury John Wilks.
Depression in the textile trade and industrial strife had worsened, increasing the pressure on municipal charities and poor rates. Their maladministration for electoral purposes was the major issue at the 1827 elections, when their victory gave the Blue and Whites a majority on the new board of guardians appointed under the 1827 Norwich Poor Act, carried in the teeth of opposition from the Purple and Orange party.
Peel, who sought re-election on the strength of his parliamentary record, issued canvassing addresses directly the king’s death was announced, 28 June, and dined the London freemen. Handbills and the Whig press criticized his failure to vote for retrenchment and religious liberty, and allusions to his role in securing the passage of the Norwich and Lowestoft Navigation bill were now largely discounted.
I deprecate the idea of thy coming down at the time of the Norwich election, as I am quite clear it will not do for any of us to take part in promoting RHG’s election. He has started today, I am sorry to say, and I trust shall be fairly off before the election comes on, but if I am not, I certainly shall not vote for him, not feeling any liberty of mind to do so. My course will be entirely passive, and I entreat thee to let thine be the same, for I have reason to know that many eyes are upon us, to watch whether we will act up to our profession or not. Had RHG refused to stand, there would have been an open door for Lushington, but as matters stand I shall be glad if no second candidate comes forward, the result of which would be a quiet return of one and one. If Lushington should come forward with RHG, I think it will not do for us to vote at all, otherwise it would be quite strikingly offensive to Richard. I feel quite clear that for Richard we cannot vote as Christians and as friends and greatly hope we shall act alike.
Soc. of Friends Lib. Gurney mss Temp 434/3/526a.
Lushington and Phillimore desisted, the latter, whose invitation had come from the Dissenters, on account of the estimated £5,000 cost and uncertainty concerning Coke’s support. Coke and Lord Holland’s overtures to the Foxite Whig Sir Ronald Ferguson*, then searching for a seat, and to Henry Brougham* were declined, but at William Huskisson’s* behest Brougham sent down Robert Grant, the Member for Inverness Burghs, who declared on the 23rd. Holland and Lord Lansdowne, who were kept fully briefed, welcomed the opportunity it afforded Grant ‘to oust a Peel’.
Joint notices inferred that Peel and Ogle were for and Gurney and Grant against the Wellington administration. Peel’s professions of political independence won him few friends and his Ultra views and votes against the 1830 beer bill were unpopular. Gurney was a proven reformer. Grant’s only independent notice professed support for retrenchment, a liberal and tolerant domestic and foreign policy and ‘judicious and effectual measures for a practical correction of every abuse, including such as prevail in electing the representatives of the people’.
This election will, perhaps, most vitally affect many, if not all those places where any spark of independence exists: it will be a beacon to show those who, like Norwich ... have become, or are about to be sacrificed to the place hunters.
Brougham mss, Mackintosh to Brougham, 31 July; Ellenborough Diary, ii. 333; The Times, 3 Aug.; Add. 61937, Thomson to Fazakerley, 9 Aug. 1830.
Afterwards Hudson Gurney advised Grant’s London backers that the ‘slightest sort of a contest must cost the party ... £10,000’.
According to Bacon and Kinnebrook’s edition of the pollbook, 4,202 voted, which was 755 (22 per cent) more than in 1818. At 95 per cent, partisan split voting was the norm, with 2,231 (53 per cent) voting for Gurney and Grant, and 1,756 (42 per cent) for Peel and Ogle. Of the 137 (three per cent) who split votes between the parties, all but three voted for Peel, who shared 106 votes with Gurney and 18 with Grant; the exceptions split between Grant and Ogle. Only 88 (two per cent) plumped (32 for Peel, 27 for Grant, 26, including his father-in-law William Jary, for Gurney, and three for Ogle). Compared with 1818, there was a nine per cent increase to 74 per cent in the resident vote despite a 22 per cent increase to 385 (nine per cent overall) in the London vote, which, at Grant 220, Gurney 219, Peel 165 and Ogle 157, the Blues and Whites carried convincingly. They also secured majorities among the remaining out-voters (Gurney 395, Grant 385, Peel, 267 and Ogle 256) and the residents (Gurney 1,742, Grant 1,665, Peel 1,451 and Ogle 1,321), winning Connisford ward (Gurney 347, Grant 363, Peel 317 and Ogle 288), Wymer ward (Gurney 626, Grant 606, Peel 548 and Ogle 509) and Northern ward (Gurney 573, Grant 531, Peel 307 and Ogle 255), notwithstanding their ‘cleansing week’ losses, and leaving Peel and Ogle ahead only in the Cathedral Precincts (Peel 29, Ogle 28, Grant 9 and Gurney 7) and the Purple and Orange stronghold of Mancroft ward (Peel 279, Ogle 269, Gurney 181 and Grant 180). The aldermen (excluding proposers) gave Peel 12 and Ogle 11 votes.
The weakened Wellington ministry’s overture to the Huskissonites (including Grant) that autumn failed, and both Members voted against them on the civil list, 15 Nov. 1830. Nothing came of a threatened opposition to Grant’s re-election on the 30th, following his appointment as judge advocate in Lord Grey’s ministry.
The Members supported the reintroduced and revised reform bills, and Gurney’s wayward votes against the division of counties, 11 Aug., for granting freeholders in counties corporate like Norwich county votes, 17 Aug., and for the enfranchisement of £50 tenants-at-will, 18 Aug. 1831, were well attuned to local interests.
As the commissioners had recommended, except for the inclusion of the castle, the boundaries of Norwich were left unchanged by the Reform Act. This made little difference to the size of the registered electorate, which in September 1832 stood at 4,238 and comprised 2,420 freemen, 775 freeholders and 1,043 £10 voters; but the removal of the out-voters was perceived as an opportunity for additional spending on the resident ones.
in the freemen and freeholders
Number of voters: 4202 in 1830
Estimated voters: 4,200 in 1831
Population: 50288 (1821); 61096 (1831)
