Shropshire, bisected north-south by the navigable River Severn, was rich in coal, iron and other mineral formations and had industrialized early. Attempts to diversify the economy in this period were largely unsuccessful, and according to Charles Hulbert of Shrewsbury, writing in 1837, the 30 square miles from Newport to Brosley, Coalport, Dawley, Ironbridge and Madelely Wood resembled the neighbourhoods of Birmingham, Manchester and Stockport, where mines, canals, railways, foundries, smoke and populous towns ‘rush into existence as if by power of magic’.
Since the county had last polled in 1722 the dominant interest of the Newports of High Ercall had been dispersed, devolving chiefly on the Bridgeman family, earls of Bradford, of Weston Park, on the Shropshire-Staffordshire border, and the Vanes of Raby Castle, County Durham, earls of Darlington, who, through the Pulteney and Johnstone families, had inherited some 25,000 acres in the county. The 2nd Earl Craven’s estate, from which Thomas Kenyon had carved his 8,000 acres at Pradoe, was also in the throes of dismemberment. Other notable absentees with votes and experienced agents at their disposal included the earls of Bridgwater, whose 20,000-acre Shropshire estates included Ellesmere and Whitchurch; the 1st marquess of Stafford, whose 17,000 acres included the borough of Newport; the 4th and 5th earls of Tankerville, heirs to the Astley estates and property in Shrewsbury, and the 10th earl of Mountnorris and Sir Watkin Williams Wynn*, who had interests in Oswestry and Wenlock. Williams Wynn was a son-in-law of the lord lieutenant, Edward Clive†, 1st earl of Powis, a ministerialist whose 27,000 acres and influence matched those of his late father-in-law, the 1st Herbert earl of Powis and of his grandfather Clive of India. He was said to be deterred from challenging for a county seat by the mounting cost of managing his troublesome boroughs of Bishop’s Castle and Ludlow, for which he returned his heir Lord Clive, his second son Robert Henry Clive and like-minded Tories. Also prominent among the resident aristocracy were the Hills of Hawkstone (14,500 acres), near Wem, on whom the barony of Hill had been conferred in 1814; their impoverished namesakes of Attingham, Barons Berwick, who resided increasingly in Italy; the Weld Foresters of Willey Park (14,500 acres), who had the largest interest in Wenlock and on whom the Forester barony was conferred at the coronation in 1821, and the Whitmores of Apley, who controlled at least one Bridgnorth seat. Cotes of Woodcote, Corbet of Moreton Corbet (Acton Reynald Hall), Sundorne and Adderley, Mytton of Halston, Lloyd of Aston Hall and Childe of Kinlet, near Bewdley, heirs to the Baldwyns of Aqualate, were among several well-connected lesser squires qualified by ancestry, residence and their estates to aspire to the county representation. The influence of the premier Lord Liverpool’s half-brother and heir Cecil Jenkinson* of Pitchford Hall was sought after, and the Darbys of Coalbrookdale were also influential newcomers.
Members were expected to represent agricultural and associated interests, to promote and monitor legislation affecting canals, enclosures, turnpikes, coal and iron fields, the poor and the houses of industry which the county’s incorporated parishes had spawned. Regular attendance at and patronage of the November and January hunts, the races on Bickton Heath, the assizes, Shrewsbury meetings and social functions was required, and sponsorship of agricultural societies and local associations ‘for protecting the civil rights of the proprietors and occupiers of land’. A challenge to the sitting Members at a general election had long been deemed futile because of the prohibitive cost, and potential candidates were expected to bide their time until a retirement or death produced a vacancy. The last, in 1806, had, with the acquiescence of the Tory Hills of Hawkstone, been filled by John Cotes, a moderate Whig, whose Tory colleague Sir John Kynaston Powell of Hardwick Hall, near Ellesmere, had represented the county since 1784. Both were elderly, in poor health and lax in their attendance, and county business devolved increasingly on Lord Clive and the Shrewsbury Members.
George IV was proclaimed and the funeral of George III marked countywide in February 1820, and the ensuing general election took place amid meetings convened by the Shropshire General Agriculture Society to petition for government action to alleviate distress and a local campaign to restore poor law administration to individual parishes in the Oswestry district.
The coming of age on 10 May 1821 of the heir to Hawkstone, Rowland Hill, was a great occasion, marked by a dinner chaired by the county treasurer Joshua Peele at Shrewsbury’s Lion inn.
The state of representation in your county for some years has been almost negative. The Whig Member died and a friend of administration is chosen without the appearance of opposition. The other Member is likely soon to make a vacancy; as long as he lives they have both. No public address can appear from any candidate until a vacancy is declared and the sort of canvass which you are proposing, as it becomes known, must set all parties upon the lookout and give time for agitators and speculators to arrange their measures. You say you are most anxious for the good opinion of the high Tories. As a gentleman I suppose you have their good opinion, but, having secured one Member, the best you can expect unless you declare yourself of their party is forbearance; for if government was not the stronger party, Mr. Hill would not have walked over the course.
NLW, Aston Hall mss C.460, 461.
As expected, Hill divided silently with administration against further retrenchment and reductions in taxation in February 1822. Richard Heber* of Hodnet, as sheriff, declined a requisition for a county distress meeting that month ‘for want of signatures’ and referred it to his successor Robert Bridgman Moore of Linley Hall, who, complaining that the signatories were predominantly from the industrial regions around Shifnal and Newport, turned down two further requisitions. Moore rejected a request from leading Whig moderates to reconsider, so prompting Kenyon and five other magistrates to call a meeting for 25 Mar., immediately after the assizes.
Before the by-election occasioned by the long anticipated death of Kynaston Powell, 25 Oct. 1822, the aristocracy and gentry assembled at Willey Park to mark the coming of age on 9 Aug. of Lord Forester’s heir, and on 14 Oct. Childe, whose kinsman by marriage, the Rev. Thomas Pemberton of Millichope, near Craven Arms, chaired the assizes, presided at a dinner of the county’s ‘Oxford Coterie’ at the Talbot in Shrewsbury.
come to such an understanding that one only shall start and be honestly and heartily supported by the other two, for as you must all go nearly upon the same interest, if you persevere you will only ruin each other in every way and will inevitably let in Childe or some other ultra.
Ibid. C.1015.
Before the letter arrived, Lloyd had made way for Cressett Pelham, who had secured the Tankerville interest, and whose spartan domestic arrangements left him free to spend.
I shall certainly go to the nomination and no further; the expense till then will be amply compensated by the almost universal support I have received. I cannot support the expense of agents and must leave the canvass to my friends, but in fact it is utterly impossible for Pelham to poll one vote for 50 of mine if it were to come to that. He will have Lord Darlington, Mytton, Mrs. Corbet and about half the Shrewsbury votes: I have everything else.
Staffs. RO, Weston Park mss D.1287/10/4a, Childe to Bradford [Nov. 1822].
Forester rightly cautioned Childe against such optimism and overreliance on the unpopular Whitmore. Cressett Pelham and his agents capitalized on Childe’s votes to retain the taxes on salt and malt, reprinted his ministerialist speech at the March county meeting and were preparing for a poll. Childe’s friends (he hired no agents) criticized Cressett Pelham’s adherents for bowing to ‘a madman’s purse’.
You do not, you say, make long speeches in Shropshire. I am sorry for it. If you did, one might have a chance of understanding upon what principle you elect your Members, and one might for some guess what would be their line in Parliament. Your present Member, for I presume ... Pelham now fills that exalted position, as the circumstance of his having £20,000 to shake at them cannot fail of securing the independent votes of the Shropshire electors, made a speech upon the hustings so juristical, so ambiguous that the most ingenious cannot discover from anything contained in it what are his principles, or whether he has any principles at all ... You yourself, one of his warmest supporters, seem as little to know what stuff your champion is made of as the rest of the world. You act you say! Do you? Let us examine for one moment what is the upshot of Shropshire acting ... You have had within a twelvemonth two great opportunities presented of acting. In the first you elected a young man scarcely twenty-one years of age, of notorious incapacity and unfitness for business ... upon no other visible ground than because his uncle was a popular soldier and that the poor young man, in gratitude for all the favours received by his family, promised most earnestly never by any chance to oppose the great dispensers of favours, His Majesty’s ministers ... You now, not warned by your former error, elect a man of whose principles you confess yourself to be ignorant. I trust that he is not so totally unfit for his place as his colleague, but the electors have, as yet, little to boast of in the clear-sightedness of their patriotic efforts. It is generally estimated sufficient for a county Member, without exception even for Shropshire, to be able to pronounce intelligibly ‘aye’ or ‘nay’.
Aston Hall mss C.1111.
The Times described Cressett Pelham in 1831 as ‘a gentleman of great eccentricity ... who is quite in earnest, but no one knows why he is so’, and the Clives soon rued their decision to ‘remain neuter’, rather than back Childe.
Powis and the leading gentry discouraged petitioning against slavery, which was co-ordinated by Archdeacon Corbett, a personal friend of William Wilberforce* and of the secretary of the Anti-Slavery Society, Thomas Clarkson. The ironmaster Barnard Dickinson, manager of the Coalbrookdale works, sent up petitions from the southern industrial towns in 1823, 1824 and 1826, when Ellesmere, Oswestry and Wem also petitioned.
In 1827 the agriculturists, operating through local associations in Bridgnorth, Ellesmere, Newport, Oswestry, Shrewsbury, Shifnal, Wellington and Wem, petitioned against interference with the corn laws and for protection; and, backed by Slaney, who promoted his own abortive bill, the maltsters formed a county association, lobbied and organized petitions against the malt bill in 1827, and afterwards urged its repeal.
At a county meeting chaired by Charles Kynaston Mainwaring as sheriff, 8 Jan. 1830, Cressett Pelham and Lord Clive launched a successful campaign against routing the Holyhead road from Wellington to Brynkinalt [Chirk], bypassing Shrewsbury, and local committees were formed to assist the progress of the contentious Ellesmere and Birmingham and London Junction canal bills. Overseeing them, Lord Clive was careful to promote the interests of Lord Stafford and the dowager countess of Bridgwater.
Cressett Pelham abstained when Hill voted in the government minority on the civil list, 15 Nov. 1830, and, indicating a shift in attitude, he repeatedly stipulated that slavery and reform were matters for government alone to promote and that he would judge Lord Grey’s administration accordingly.
Hill and Cressett Pelham sought re-election and their addresses professed the need for reform but condemned the current bill. An advertisement cautioned against promising votes and interests before the nomination, when a candidate would offer ‘who will pledge his honour to support the king, his present ministers, reform in Parliament, and economy in the expenditure of public money’. Handbills criticized the conduct of the sitting Members, particularly the idiosyncratic Cressett Pelham.
I have now no wife, no family, no hounds, no horses (some will say no steadiness of purpose), but feeling that I can devote myself to your service, should you honour me with your support and confidence, I venture to offer myself to your notice as a candidate for the county, totally unshackled by prejudice or otherwise, and a strenuous advocate for reform ... Peculiar private business may prevent my personal attendance.
Aston Hall mss C.186, 1248; CUL, Acton mss Add. 8121(4), f. 346; Nimrod, Mems. John Mytton (1915), 71-72; Salop Archives D45/1170/2-6, 24b; Wolverhampton Chron. 4 May 1831.
By 8 May Hill was considered ‘safe’, and although Lloyd, who was ably supported by Wrottesley, Wolryche Whitmore and William Tayleur of Buttingdale, could quip at how ‘Pelham rides about fancying he is canvassing’, he was disturbed to find him assisted by Hill’s agents, while Mytton remained ‘a great thorn in my side’.
There is no doubt but a strong undercurrent is opposed to the aristocracy. In this county, as well as others the struggle has commenced, but who can calculate upon the result. I am told Rowland is safe, and the contest will be between your brother and Pelham, but they believe that they also are safe, or they would not persevere.
Rev. J.C. Hill mss 811/51.
The election commenced on the 9th, when the candidates were proposed as previously in Shrewsbury’s castle yard. On the hustings Hill criticized the reform bill as ‘revolutionary in tendency and unjust and dangerous in its principle’ and cautioned against being ‘driven into any measure of reform or ought else by a reference to rabble opinions or popular force’. Cressett Pelham claimed that he had opposed the bill because he considered it ‘ruinous to the county’, whose proposed division he refused to sanction, and to the borough of Shrewsbury, where many would lose their votes. He joined his proposers in proclaiming his independence and denied collusion with Hill or disloyalty to Lloyd. Lloyd stressed his personal connections with government and his support for the agricultural interest and the reform bill. Mytton dwelt on his local connections and support for reform and retrenchment. Wolryche Whitmore declared that he would plump for Lloyd, and Lloyd maintained that he was prepared to spend the necessary £20,000 to £30,000 on a contest, in the ‘best interests of the freeholders’. However, the agriculturists resented his advocacy of free trade and he was not well received. Supporting him, Wrottesley criticized Cressett Pelham’s votes, absences from the House and shortcomings as a speaker, which the Member and his friends naturally denied. Hill and Lloyd won the show of hands, and polling commenced in the Quarry, where Hill’s agents, being better prepared, filled all the booths with their supporters, so denying the reformers, who came ‘free of charge’, an opportunity to vote early without incurring accommodation costs. The poll stood on the first day at Hill 499, Cressett Pelham 387, Lloyd 151, Mytton 36, and the same tactics were used to keep out the reformers until late on the second, when, with the poll at Hill 1,141, Cressett Pelham 849, Lloyd 535, Mytton 237, the sheriff Smythe Owen intervened at Lloyd’s request. Lloyd now pledged to poll to the last, but when the poll closed on the third day at Hill 1,617, Cressett Pelham 1,185, Lloyd 806, Mytton 311, he predicted that he could no longer overtake Cressett Pelham and informed his committee and fellow candidates that he was standing down, thus infuriating the reformers of Clun, Ludlow, Newport and Wellington who had come to vote for him but had yet to poll. He had spent almost £1,360 on hospitality. Hill praised his pragmatism, but certain reformers on his committee, led by the attorney Charles Nicholls, carried resolutions condemning his conduct. They also encouraged reports of collusion between Hill and Lloyd and claimed that Lord Clive, using Kenyon as his go-between, had ‘bought off’ Lloyd with a promise of support at the next election. This was repeatedly denied on both sides, and Lloyd also rejected suggestions made by their relations that had he notified Hill sooner of his intentions they could have come in jointly. Meanwhile, with Mytton still in the field, the contest continued. Votes accepted on the fourth day, Hill 170, Cressett Pelham 134, Lloyd 21, Mytton 66, indicated that Mytton had little to gain by Lloyd’s retirement and he conceded defeat the following day, after 2,850 had tendered their votes (316 were rejected). Shropshire became the only English county to return two anti-reformers. Between them, the rejected voters cast 193 votes, including 82 plumpers for Lloyd.
Lloyd pushed Cressett Pelham into third place in the hundreds of Oswestry and Bradford South, but elsewhere Cressett Pelham shared sufficient split votes with the unassailable Hill to make his election secure. Six-hundred-and-fifty-nine (26 per cent) of the 2,534 polled plumped, 275 for Hill, 267 for Lloyd, 71 for Mytton, 46 for Cressett Pelham; 1,268 (50 per cent) split for Hill and Cressett Pelham, 285 for Lloyd and Mytton, 251 for Hill and Lloyd, 32 for Cressett Pelham and Lloyd, 30 for Hill and Mytton, and nine for Cressett Pelham and Mytton. Seventy-five per cent (1,911) of those who polled cast a vote for an anti-reformer, more than twice as many as the 37 per cent (945) who did so for a reformer. According to the Salopian Journal, which published the votes of 208 ‘principal landowners, professional men, heads or representatives of families, bankers, merchants, ironmasters, etc.’, 151 (73 per cent) split for Hill and Cressett Pelham; 20 plumped for Lloyd and 16 for Hill, with ten splitting for them (22 per cent in all); five split for Lloyd and Mytton and one, the Shrewsbury merchant Samuel Cooke, for Cressett Pelham and Lloyd. Prominent among the plumpers for Lloyd were Wolryche Whitmore, the bankers John Henry Cooper of Bridgnorth and Thomas Parsons of Newport, and the ironmasters Abraham and Richard Darby, Barnard Dickinson, William Hombersley and Thomas Hunt.
Attendance at highly publicized reform dinners presided over by Lechmere Charlton in Shrewsbury, 1 June, and Ludlow, 3 June 1831, was disappointing.
At the general election of 1832, 2,791 electors were registered in the Conservative stronghold of Shropshire South, which was expected to return Cressett Pelham and Thomas Whitmore. Cressett Pelham, however, contested Shrewsbury, so facilitating the return of Cleveland’s heir Lord Darlington*, and Whitmore’s hopes were dashed and the representation settled for the next decade by the unexpected candidature of Robert Clive, who was nominated following his defeat at Ludlow.
Number of voters: 2534 in 1831
Estimated voters: 3,949-6,632
