A county palatine of seven hundreds, separated from North Wales by the River Dee and from Lancashire by the Mersey, Cheshire’s fertile plains were bounded to the south and east by Shropshire, Derbyshire and Staffordshire. It had industrialized early, and between 1821 and 1831 its population increased from 270,098 to 332,391. The incorporated city of Chester, the county and election town, returned two Members, but the salt towns of Nantwich and Northwich, the silk towns of Congleton and Macclesfield and the burgeoning textile town of Stockport, famous for its calicoes, remained unrepresented. The freeholders had last polled in 1734 and the representation was generally settled by the gentry ‘among themselves’ at a pre-nomination meeting in the three-cornered room at the centrally situated Crown in Northwich, after preliminary canvassing in London, at race meetings, the assizes and in the towns. In 1820 the sitting Members were the resolutely independent Davies Davenport of Capesthorne, first returned in May 1806, and his colleague since 1812 Wilbraham Egerton of Tatton Park, a wealthy Tory whose support for Lord Liverpool’s administration was tempered by his readiness to represent local interests.
The towns marked the death of George III in 1820 with the customary proclamations and addresses and the ensuing general election took place in the uneasy atmosphere generated by divisions between the Tories and Grosvenor over the deployment of the militia at Peterloo and its subsequent enlargement by subscription.
Grosvenor was among Queen Caroline’s partisans, but although Congleton and Stockport addressed her and illuminations were widespread, reaction to her prosecution and its abandonment remained uncoordinated until 4 Jan. 1821, when, at the Tories’ request, the county was summoned to meet at Northwich, 11 Jan., to adopt a loyal address.
such vague declarations of loyalty unaccompanied by any notice of the late proceedings against Her Majesty ... of the abrupt and hasty prorogation of Parliament, at a season which particularly called for its counsel and advice, or of the present distressed state of the country, appear to us necessarily to imply approbation of the conduct of ministers ... [which] we feel it impossible for us not to disapprove ... Believing it to be of the utmost consequence to the country, and to the kingdom at large, that the opinions of its inhabitants should be fully and manfully expressed, we feel it incumbent upon us to attend the proposed meeting and we trust that every freeholder will, notwithstanding the shortness of the notice, come forward upon this most urgent call of public duty.
Chester Courant, 9 Jan.; The Times, 10 Jan. 1821.
The sheriff, James France France of Bostock Hall, a Tory who had commanded a militia troop at Peterloo, chaired the crowded meeting. Egerton attended and Davenport, who pleaded a prior engagement, promised to represent its views. The former Tory Member Thomas Cholmondeley proposed and Mainwaring seconded the address. Grosvenor’s attempt to introduce as an amendment an address criticizing ministers similar to that adopted at Chester, 9 Jan., was shouted down (apparently in response to a prearranged signal from Cholmondeley), and Lords Crewe and Combermere, the Revs. Henry Broughton, James Browne and Edward Stanley, Captain Salusbury Humphreys of Bramhull, Colonel Dod of Edge Hall and Wilbraham vainly struggled to endorse it before the sheriff declared the original address ‘adopted’. Fifteen Whigs signed a protest accusing him of acting arbitrarily, failing to control the meeting and demonstrating partiality by declaring the amendment ‘irrelevant’ and refusing a division. Leycester, who had a good vantage point, submitted a declaration that ‘upon a show of hands ... the non-addressers had it ... the question against the address was not put in a distinct, audible and intelligent manner’.
The Tory clubs, the Macclesfield King and Constitution Club, the Manchester Pitt Club, and the Wellington Birthday Club of Stockport, whose membership topped 500 in 1823, supported the agriculturists’ petitions and held their customary celebrations in May 1821.
The way we took was to fix upon two or three distinct propositions intelligible to everybody and sufficiently drastic to rescue us from the contempt of any ultra reformer and yet not so violent as to scare the many timid and vacillating individuals whom we had to propitiate. To this end we formed a club upon principles claiming a restitution of all those rights already recorded as part of the constitution between the accession of William III and the Act of Settlement inclusive. If triennial parliaments and a place bill fail in purifying the House of Commons we may go further. But this was thought enough for a beginning. The consequence has been the collecting in a very short time of 160 individuals from the highest down to the upper end of the middle class in a district where a few years ago a magistrate (the chairman of the quarter sessions) was nearly torn in pieces for saying, ‘I will not touch upon the subject of reform in Parliament’.
Bromley Davenport mss, Davenport to Russell, 20 Mar. 1822.
Nantwich King and Constitution Club and the Association for the Protection and Encouragement of Agriculture petitioned both Houses in February 1822 for government action to alleviate distress, including reductions in the taxes on malt and salt, which the Members advocated, 20 Feb., 18 Mar., 23 May.
A declaration of principles proposed by Edward Davenport at the 1823 Whig Club dinner was deemed too radical and held over; and Belgrave’s well-publicized decision to ‘resign rather than sign’ signalled an unwelcome breach with Grosvenor, who with his sons, George Anson and Lord Stanley stayed away from the October 1824 dinner, when Crewe and Sir John Stanley were the only Cheshire magnates present, and William Hughes, Leycester, John and William Alexander Madocks and John Williams were the only Members at what the Chester Courant dubbed ‘the great Whig confederacy of nine counties’.
The silk weavers petitioned for, 21 Feb., 1 Mar., and farmers at Chester market against amending the corn laws, 27 Feb. 1827, and in April the Macclesfield weavers resolved to support the national campaign for regulating labour costs in their trade.
Edward Davenport’s name headed the requisition for the well-attended county meeting at Northwich, 25 Jan. 1830, convened ‘with perfect unity of purpose between Whig and Tory’ to petition for relief from distress. Lord Delamere, who advocated rent reductions as the only solution, protested at Davenport’s 11-point plan, which Mainwaring seconded, ‘as not being sufficiently respectful, and as calculated to cast aspersions upon ... ministers’. Davenport in turn objected to the alternative proposed by Charles Cholmondeley and Sir John Stanley; and Parker of Astle, the two seconders and Wilbraham drafted a compromise petition and secured its unanimous adoption. It called on Parliament to attend immediately to the universal distress in agriculture and commerce, which it attributed ‘in great measure to the late alterations in the currency’, advocated the appointment of a select committee and suggested tax reductions and retrenchment. Signatures were collected in Stockport, Macclesfield, Knutsford, Altrincham, Northwich, Middlewich, Congleton, Sandbach and Nantwich, before both Houses received it, 15 Feb. Its Commons presenter, Egerton, disputed its tenet on the currency.
Criticism of Cheshire’s palatine jurisdiction administered through Chester’s assize and exchequer courts revived with the appointment of an investigative commission in February 1828, and Wilbraham ensured it was added to the commission’s remit, 22 Apr.
Davenport, whose health and attendance had deteriorated, announced his retirement, 27 June, and Lord Grey of Groby commenced canvassing immediately, but at a meeting in London, 30 June 1830, he deferred to Belgrave (who with his father, made a privy councillor by Wellington, was expected to go over to administration), bringing with him the Cholmondeleys and other leading Tories. The chairman of the Weaver Navigation trustees, William Tomkinson, noted that there was a general concern that ‘he [Grey] with Mr. Egerton would be inadequate to the business of the county, it being well known that Mr. Davenport has been the efficient Member’. Egerton sought re-election and Edward Davenport, Wilbraham, the Leghs and Sir Edmund Antrobus were also expected to stand. Belgrave’s notices stipulated that he wished ‘to succeed, not to replace’ Davenport and would retire ‘if I should not receive the general countenance and support of the county on the day of nomination’. Edward Davenport hoped to be returned and, without his father’s acquiescence, had already enlisted the support of the political union established in Macclesfield in March, and of the Stockport operatives and radicals. He directed his appeal to the traders and expressed dissatisfaction with the unreformed House, some misgivings about succeeding his father and more about representation by a peer’s heir. He cautioned against pledging votes before the nomination and promised to withdraw ‘so long as any competent person of liberal principles and whose conduct has shown a due solicitude for the welfare of the community and the reform of public abuses should be forthcoming’.
Neither you nor I shall have any loss in the party that supports ... [Davenport]. I have little doubt but that on the day of nomination he will cause a great disturbance; it will therefore be necessary that we should have a very good attendance of friends. Of this poor Mr. Davenport was so convinced in London that he strongly urged me to do so and stated the same to you.
Knowing he was too late, on the 24th Wilbraham declined ‘for the moment’, thanked his supporters and left to contest Stockbridge, promising ‘as always’ to attend to Cheshire interests in Parliament.
The Wellington ministry counted Egerton among their ‘friends’ but were ‘very doubtful’ of Belgrave, who stayed away when Egerton voted in their minority on the civil list, 15 Nov. 1830. On 22 Nov. Stockport petitioned the Commons for abolition of the civil list and lower taxes.
The Tories rallied in vain behind the sitting anti-reformer Sir Philip Egerton in Chester, and on 12 Apr. 1831 Cholmondeley, Kilmorey, Combermere, Kenyon, Delamere and De Tabely topped the list of 69 Cheshire landowners ready to use ‘every means in our power to prevent a bill founded upon such unconstitutional grounds passing into a law’.
Were the voice of the manufacturing district to be considered as speaking the sentiments of the whole county we could have no hesitation in affirming the chance of Lord Henry Cholmondeley’s election to be only in the proportion of one to a hundred ... but we are aware that a great deal of exertion in his favour, to counteract which will be a task of some difficulty, has been used in the more internal portion of the county, by the landed proprietors and others who signed the declaration; and that the expense is considered by them a matter of no moment whatever.
Macclesfield Courier, 7 May 1831.
At Northwich on 9 May Sir John Stanley and his sons, Townshend, Tollemache, J.H. Leche, Tomkinson, Grimsditch, Birkenhead Glegg, Joseph Hayes Lyon of Ashfield and the mayors of Chester, Macclesfield and Stockport established a joint committee, with an estimated £27,000 fund, to secure the election of Belgrave and Wilbraham. The Chester Courant rejoiced that the ‘proud landowners ... were taught the unwelcome secret that their influence and interest had disappeared with the old fashioned English practice of granting leases for lives to their tenantry’ and warned that ‘had Lord Belgrave stood aloof from the cause of the people (Mr. Wilbraham’s triumphant return being beyond question) another candidate would have been nominated that day’.
Both Members supported the reintroduced reform bill. Belgrave, who, unlike Wilbraham, seldom voted for its details, presented a petition for enfranchisement ‘at the same rate of qualification as the occupiers of houses’ from the graziers and occupiers of Wrenbury, 15 July, and another for separate representation from Congleton, 28 July 1831, and similar petitions were received that month by the Lords. The clauses enfranchising Macclesfield and Stockport were carried unopposed, 5 Aug. Macclesfield throwsters and operatives connected with political unions, Hunt and Lord Radnor had recently petitioned for a taxpayer franchise and the ballot.
Stockport had petitioned consistently for restrictions on truck, the employment of juveniles and criminal law reform, and contributed with Northwich, Wallasey and others to the county magistrates’ 1830-2 campaigns for better regulation of flour distribution under the corn laws and of on-consumption under the 1830 Sale of Beer Act.
As the boundary commissioners had recommended, at the general election in December 1832 Birkenhead, Chester, Nantwich, Northwich and Sandbach became the polling towns for the new Cheshire South constituency, which had a population of 144,990 and registered electorate of 5,139, and Cheshire North, which had a registered electorate of 5,105 and population of 189,420, polled in Macclesfield, Runcorn and Stockport.
Access to the Grosvenor mss, privately held at Eaton Hall, is gratefully acknowledged.
Estimated voters: over 5000
