The county corporate of Newcastle-upon-Tyne, the county and assize town of Northumberland, was an important port, commercial, cultural and manufacturing centre on the north bank of the River Tyne.
Many are admitted by patrimony who never enrol themselves in the companies’ books; nor would that be a criterion, because it would not be known which of the persons so enrolled were in existence.
PP (1831-2), xxxvi. 557.
A radical publication complained in February 1832:
The representation of this town is a complete nullity. The enormous expense of collecting non-resident voters from all parts of the kingdom deters every person from hazarding a contest, and this populous town is therefore represented by a compromise of two parties. The Members are generally found in opposite lists upon every division, leaving their constituents without any weight in the council of the nation.
Key to Both Houses (1832), 367.
Both sitting Members had first been returned in 1812. Sir Matthew White Ridley, an ambitious Whig landowner and banker with extensive interests in local coal mining and glass and soap manufacturing concerns, was his father’s successor in the seat held uninterrupted by his family since 1747.
At the dissolution Ridley canvassed personally, spending £1,501. Ellison’s brother Robert issued notices, opened public houses and canvassed the incorporated companies on his behalf. James Graham Clarke (the West India merchant of Benwell Lodge and Fenham) agreed to stand but desisted, and a committee at the George, chaired by Alderman Foster, resolved to act for Scott, using ‘Wallace’s and Guthrie’s’ as tally houses.
There is no question but that if the contest between ... Ridley ... and ... Scott ... had continued a day or two longer, certain of the freeholders or free suitors (not being free burgesses) would have tendered themselves to have voted for some or other of the candidates, and it would then have been seen what would have been done, and what would have followed on the occasion.
Add. 40386, ff. 215-18.
The radical bookseller Charnley’s edition of the pollbook prints votes for 729 of the 731 who polled: 152 plumpers (Ridley 59, Ellison, 49, Scott 44) and the 577 who split their votes (405 Ridley-Ellison, 149 Ridley-Scott, 23 Ellison-Scott); 618 (85 per cent) were residents and 45 had crossed the Tyne from Gateshead. No long distance out-voters were brought up. The poll confirms Ellison as the target and the importance of the substantial cross-party Whig-Tory vote (55 per cent Ridley-Ellison, 20 per cent Ridley-Scott), by which the sitting Members were returned. Their supporters dined together afterwards at the Turk’s Head, and the resident freemen polled each received the usual 10s. compliment.
Fearing a repetition of the 1819 unrest, legislation controlling the relief fund for the Tyne keelmen was sought by the corporation early in the new Parliament and enacted, 8 July 1820. However, it soon proved to be superfluous.
Constituency business was entrusted to both Members, but Ridley’s sympathy for free trade, which caused the shipping interest to mistrust him, made him the natural choice to present the merchants’ and inhabitants’ petitions to the Commons for relaxation of the corn laws in 1820, 1822 and 1825.
Newcastle rallied to Brandling’s nephew, the anti-Catholic Tory Matthew Bell, when he secured a narrow victory at the Northumberland by-election of March 1826, and on the 19th, with a four-man general election contest for the county imminent, notices urged the Newcastle burgesses to ‘keep their votes disengaged’. The low freemen were said to be spoiling for a contest.
I (being a radical) would support Sir Matthew, only that his connection with my Lord Eldon, and the suspicious office he has got hold of at Windsor, have, I am afraid, weeded out the small portion of Whiggism and love of liberality originally in his composition.
Coll. of Northumb. Speeches, Addresses, Squibs, ii. 581.
On 9 June, Headlam and Dixon Dixon sponsored Ridley, and Ellison was proposed by Sorsbie, who, as a Whig, also expressed praise for Ridley, and seconded by John Cookson. Both Members had secured the backing of the incorporated companies, but to do so Ridley had had to assure Trinity House that he viewed recent changes in the reciprocity duties ‘with apprehension’, and to promise that if elected, he would seek protection for shipping early in the new Parliament.
The Tyne ship owners’ meetings of 24 Oct. 1826 and 5 Feb. 1827 formally expressed dissatisfaction with Ridley, who missed most of the 1826-7 session. (He also went abroad for over a year in July 1828.) Accordingly, they briefed the county Member Henry Thomas Liddell to lobby with Ellison on their behalf.
The Newcastle reception exceeded our expectations ... 35 in the duke’s party; about 700 at the ball. The duke and half the party slept at Ravensworth, the rest at the Mansion House ... That there were attempts to raise the popular cry of ‘a cheap loaf and no soldiers’ cannot be doubted, for the in-Whigs and radicals are not pleased at what they call this fuss for events long gone by, but they entirely failed.
Aberdeen Univ. Lib. Arbuthnot mss, Hardinge to Mrs. Arbuthnot, 30 Sept., 6 Oct. 1827.
The banks of Ridley and Company and Lambton, Backhouse and Company, whose cause Ridley championed in the House, had weathered the 1825-6 crisis and received licenses to print money on unstamped paper in November 1828.
Hodgson of Elswick, whose grandfather had championed the freemen’s cause 50 years previously, had declared his candidature at a rent dinner for his tenants, 29 May, and within a week his agent Percival Fenwick had retained a network of attorneys, procured the necessary requisition, paid for the admission of over 300 freemen and set in train a thorough canvass of the Durham, Gateshead, London, Shields, Sunderland and Tynemouth out-voters. Both the cordwainers, 14 June, and tailors, 23 June, admitted Hodgson to their freedom.
The Whig lawyer Henry Brougham’s rallying speech at the Wesleyan Methodists’ Meeting House, 11 Aug. 1830, following his Yorkshire election victory, and the combined efforts of the Baptists, Wesleyans and the Ladies’ Anti-Slavery Association of Newcastle ensured that the congregations, inhabitants and incorporated companies made a substantial contribution to the 1830-1 petitioning against colonial slavery.
Petitions criticizing the reintroduced reform bill, to which the Members gave qualified support, were received from the out-voters of Sunderland, 5, 11 July, and the anti-reformers of Newcastle, 20 July 1831.
that the preservation of the rights of freemen provided they reside [with]in seven miles of a borough will operate in some instances great inequality and injustice, as in the case of Newcastle-upon-Tyne, which has some hundred freemen resident in Gateshead, North Shields, South Shields and Sunderland. Those three latter places will be disfranchised. Those in Gateshead will not only preserve their Newcastle franchise, but if inhabiting a £10 house, will have Gateshead votes too, and be thus in better condition than the most respectable inhabitants of Newcastle.
CJ, lxxxvii. 192.
Although separate representation was accorded to Merthyr Tydfil that day, Gateshead kept its designated Member. On 30 Apr. 1832 the corporation passed a resolution approving the Members’ conduct and directing them to continue supporting reform.
Legislation to improve the road to North Shields, which certain landowners and the inhabitants of Chirton and Preston townships petitioned against, 8 Aug., received royal assent, 6 Sept. 1831.
The boundary delineated by the commissioners was adhered to under the 1832 Reform Act notwithstanding Ridley’s protest in the House, 8 June, that extension was unnecessary, and the extra-burghal townships of Byker, Elswick, Heaton, Jesmond and Westgate were included in the reformed constituency.
in the freemen
Number of voters: 731 in 1820
Estimated voters: 5,000
