The Orkneys, a group of almost 70 islands and islets, lay about eight miles off the eastern end of the northern coast of the Scottish mainland, separated from Caithness by the Pentland Firth. There were three main groups of islands: the South Isles, which included Hoy and South Ronaldsay; Pomona, or the Mainland, on which was situated the capital Kirkwall, a royal burgh; and the North Isles of Shapinsay, Eday, Stronsay, Sandray, Westray and North Ronaldsay, among others. Stromness, which was also on the Mainland, was a burgh of barony. Agriculture consisted mostly of primitive crofting, producing oats and barley. The deep-sea cod and herring fisheries flourished in this period. The manufacture of kelp, introduced to Stronsay in 1722, had gained ground, and by 1826 over 3,000 tons were manufactured and exported.
In early February 1820 Armadale told Lord Melville, the Liverpool ministry’s Scottish manager, that he was confident of Richard’s defeating any man backed by Lord Dundas and his allies, who included in the Traills ‘the most determined Whigs in the county’, as well as Samuel Laing’s brother Gilbert Laing Meason of Lindertis, brother-in-law of Baikie. He wanted to be made lord lieutenant and his son appointed admiral of Orkney and Shetland, thinking that the death of the king made it possible to deprive Dundas of these offices.
John Balfour gave general but not undeviating support to government and, while he was a lax attender, he was scrupulously attentive to constituency interests, which included the kelp trade, the malt duties and fishery bounties.
On 20 May 1824 Lord Dundas informed Lord Milton* of his ‘hope that [his brother] George will offer himself’ for Orkney at the next general election, which he thought was at least 18 months distant, ‘if the independent gentlemen are strong enough to carry the election’:
I never could wish anybody to take a trip to Orkney to find himself beat by Sir William Honyman, but there can be no occasion to run any such risk as Mr. [John] Ker [Dundas’s principal agent] can give George most accurate information of the number of voters on each side: the event of an election for a small Scotch county is generally known for about a twelvemonth before it takes place as no new freeholders can come upon you by surprise.
Fitzwilliam mss.
George Dundas made known to the Balfours and others his intention of standing at the next general election in May 1825.
Ker tells me that Mr. Laing has hinted very plainly to Mr. Mitchell (Lord Dundas’s Orkney agent) that Lord Dundas’s answer ... is so far from satisfying him ... that he will not vote for Lord Dundas’s friend or any other person who his Lordship’s family may support in future, nor will he vote with any coalition of whom they form a part ... I should be particularly sorry to see him throw away character in this way, as he was in so many respects well qualified to be a leader (which we very much wanted) in county matters ... If he and his follower on this occasion [William] Traill of Woodwick, abandon us, we shall be in a minority of certain votes (19 to 20) and of the three uncertain it is more than probable that two will follow Mr. Laing’s lead; the other I hope will support us.
A few days later he told his uncle:
If Laing joins Heddle and the Honymans, of course the Dundases must be defeated - a result respecting which I cannot feel much anxiety on their account, but its consequence would be that they would have a right to consider themselves absolved from their paction with us, and as neither we or they could do anything alone, the county would for a long time perhaps be left in the power of those who would without scruple sell themselves and their representation.
Speculating on the likely composition of the roll at the time of the next election, he could see 19 votes for Captain Dundas and 17 for General John Fraser, who was favoured by Heddle, with six, including Laing, ‘uncertain’; but he thought that if Heddle realized he could ‘not succeed in bringing in General Fraser’ he might offer to support John Balfour’s re-election ‘with a view of dividing the Dundas party’. He guessed that if Laing took Heddle’s side ‘in breach of his engagement’ he would do so ‘probably more from opposition to George Traill of Hobister than from any better cause’, and reported that Sir Richard Honyman and Heddle ‘are understood to be bound to support each other alternately as we and the Dundases do, Heddle to have the first nomination’ and that Fraser, ‘the only one on Heddle’s side who could accept the situation’, had not so far been ‘named as a candidate’ because Captain Dundas’s intention to stand had not yet been made public.
When George Dundas formally requested his support in mid-August 1825, Captain Balfour, who observed to his uncle that ‘there cannot be two opinions on the nature of our engagement to the Dundas party’, promised it unreservedly.
Any such [proposal] from me would look like a sneaking attempt to get you again nominated ... Mr. [James] Traill would feel a similar difficulty, a hint having been given his son [George] after the last election that if it should prove inconvenient for any of the Dundas family to come forward ... their turn should be given up to him ... and of this hint he and his friends had spoken a little unguardedly I fear, so that any difficulty from them would be generally ascribed to selfish motives also. Probably the Baikies would be unwilling to abandon the Dundas connection, or take any step having a tendency to break it, from the knowledge that if not connected with them our little party can be nothing and the county will again fall into such hands as our coalition was formed to release it from. I never will again, unless you are concerned, interfere in county politics or even county business ... I propose therefore to withdraw from all party connection as soon as my present engagement is fulfilled ... The county will fall I think into two parties. Laing, Heddle and the Honymans on one side, the Dundases, Traills, Baikies on the other ... The power of turning the scale will lie with me and the small family connection whom I hope to associate with me ... It is a great defect of our present system that we must support a blockhead named by one part of our friends on this occasion, and a political enthusiast named by the other when their turn comes.
Ibid. D2/24/1, W. to J. Balfour, 23 Sept. 1825.
John Balfour evidently did not take this threat seriously, but his nephew insisted that he was ‘in no joking humour’. He was sure that Captain Dundas would be defeated, but wanted him to discover this for himself, so that the Balfours and their close friends could not be blamed:
He out of the field ... either he will propose that George Traill shall be returned ... who may succeed, or he will have to act as we please, when our support will, I have not the smallest doubt, be tendered to you in the first instance. Some of Laing’s friends and supporters will perhaps desert him, and even Laing himself will oppose you with reluctance ... Should you decline, or should your friends fail of success, the worst that can happen is that Laing will succeed, and when [the] next election takes place we shall have a right to demand the assistance of the Dundases, when (if you are returned this time) G. Traill may take his turn ... On the other hand, if we deserted the Dundases immediately, of course a co-operation with them is at an end for ever. Heddle with his seven votes and three supporters, and Honyman with his eight family votes have the ball at their foot, and once secure against any effectual opposition from our union with the Dundases they may probably fling Laing overboard and then put in their friend General Fraser or, as already reported, Mr. [Alexander] Dallas [of Riddochhill], the writer to the signet, and agent for Honyman and Heddle, which will be nothing better than Captain Dundas, who is at least a gentleman and a good officer.
Ibid. same to same, 1 Oct. [1825].
At the end of September the attorney George Veitch of Rathobank, Edinburgh, with Captain Balfour’s blessing and on behalf of ‘several of the Orkney freeholders who deem themselves your friends’, asked John Balfour if he would consent to be put forward at the next election. Their second preference, Veitch said, was George Traill. John Balfour referred Veitch to his nephew, but said that while he had no wish to come into Parliament again at his time of life, he would not entirely rule out the possibility that he might accept a spontaneous invitation to do so from a majority of the freeholders, provided he was left unfettered. However, he dismissed that as an option on the present occasion, as he believed that Captain Balfour and their friends were in honour bound to support Dundas.
You know I suppose that Captain Dundas has professed himself favourable to the Orkney freeholders in their question with the Shetlanders; that it is generally believed the Honymans are pledged to support Messrs. Heddle and Watt [of Brockness] as we are the Dundases; that Mr. Meason is not (at least so I hear) to oppose his brother ... that Mr. Heddle says he is under no engagement, but that he is glad Mr. Laing has come forward; that Mr. Dallas doubts whether he shall go down to Orkney or not, but that he is very much obliged to Mr. Laing and Mr. Heddle; that a very bitter correspondence has recently taken place between Mr. Laing and Sir Richard Honyman relative to Mr. Traill of Woodwick’s picture of Queen Mary; that the Honymans are said to attribute all the opposition their family have recently encountered in Orkney to the Laings and that the whole family of Honymans are away to France to retrench. In all this the important point is what part the Honymans intend to take in the present contest. If they take part against Captain Dundas his defeat seems certain, so certain that he will probably retire from the contest, and he and his whole party will have to go on as best we can. If this happens my own vote will be tendered to Mr. [John] Balfour in the first instance of course, but if declined by him I shall be happy to support anyone recommended by you and your friends.
Ibid.
On 21 Feb. 1826 George Traill wrote to Captain Balfour with news that the Honymans and the Hendersons had decided to support Laing:
We have a resurrection of the old coalition ... by this convert from our body. The state of matters in future must be, if this succeeds and if the parties stick to their engagements, an alternate representation between Heddle and Honyman ... How is this result to be prevented? Ultimately I fear only by the introduction of the Shetland interest, but that is not applicable to the present conjuncture ... Does this [coalition] outnumber Captain Dundas? If so, will Mr. [John] Balfour allow us to put him up, and will the Dundas family take their turn after? I have desired my brother to learn Mr. Balfour’s feeling, and to say that I will undertake to propose the matter to the Dundas family, without committing him in the slightest degree. My own impression is that they will not refuse it ... I am aware my chance of success at the election is nothing like so certain as Mr. Balfour’s, nor do I think the Dundases would be so likely to put me forward, because they would not have the subsequent return; but if Mr. Balfour positively refuses and it is offered to me I will try it and I think with a fair chance of success.
Ibid.
Captain Balfour, sending this to his uncle, commented that if the Honyman-Heddle coalition had taken place, ‘there seems nothing for us but an arrangement with the Shetlanders to prevent the county being handed from Heddle to Honyman and back again as long as they please’. He dismissed Traill’s notion of putting up Balfour as ‘a mere compliment’, as he was well aware that with the Honyman interest Laing would have 20 votes to the 1820 alliance’s 18. He went on:
Had Captain Dundas seen the affair in its true light, and openly resigned the contest, government might have remained neutral, and the Honymans would have forgot their engagement to Messrs Watt and Heddle. Your success would have been almost certain. But as it is he has hindered our success, and will fail himself. If Captain Dundas is inclined to withdraw his pretensions in our favour it is more than probable that we shall be defeated. We shall exchange the very trifling mortification of his being defeated for the very galling one of seeing one in whom we are all interested in that situation, and for the very trifling chance of success on this occasion, we must pay the price of pledging ourselves, and what is worse prevailing on our friends to give their pledge to force him, or some of his family, down the throat of the freeholders at the next election. If he is allowed to take his own way and no suspicion of unfair dealing exists in his mind or those of his friends, whatever may be the result of the present contest we shall have a right to demand their full assistance at the next.
Ibid. D2/3/10, W. to J. Balfour, 25 Feb. 1826.
In late April Captain Balfour commented to John that although he did not think Traill could succeed even if Dundas left the field, he was still ‘rather sorry’ that Dundas had not given up. He assured his uncle that a current idea that he should go to Orkney for the election should not be entertained, and that Ker had made it clear to Dundas that, leaving aside the state of his health, ‘you are no party to our political arrangements’.
We have been tantalized by a proposal from Laing to withdraw on condition that the Dundases should engage not to oppose his election next Parliament. As this would have been giving up all that we have contended for we at once declined acceding to it, but offered to forego the assistance of the Dundases if an equal number of the Honymans would also engage to remain neutral. This was rejected with great disdain by Mr. Laing, but I still think he has found it impossible to muster his force and that he will yet withdraw, some of those in his confidence still asserting there is to be no contest. I have however advised our friends to act exactly as if it were certain that we were to be opposed; otherwise we may be tricked.
Caledonian Mercury, 15 June; Balfour mss D2/3/10, W. to J. Balfour, 13 June; D2/23/11, Ker to Dallas, 13 June 1826.
An analysis of the projected roll by Ker gave Dundas 15 certain to attend (including George Traill) and eight absentees, and Laing only eight likely to attend, with four possibles, while seven, comprising four Honymans, two Hendersons and Dallas were listed as ‘not to attend to support Mr. Laing’.
He then proceeded to explain why he had not saved me the trouble of coming here by communicating that there was to be no contest, before I left Edinburgh: that the Honymans had pledged themselves to support him, but that they now insisted on a pledge from him that he and his friends should support them at the next election; that he had offered to pledge himself, but that he could not stipulate for his friends; that the Honymans had consequently declined to support him, but that before he could consider the case hopeless he had tried through Lord Melville to obtain the interference of government with the Honymans, but either ... [Melville] declined to interfere, or his interference had been fruitless ... Laing now announced his determination to retire from the contest ... It would not surprise me at all to find that the whole is a trick, and that after inducing Captain Dundas’s friends to remain at home, all his friends should attend.
Ibid. D2/3/10, W. to J. Balfour, 26 June 1826.
But Laing did indeed announce his retirement, 30 June 1826, ascribing it to the deaths of some pledged supporters and the support of others having been ‘unexpectedly clogged with conditions superadded to their original agreement with those gentlemen of the county to whom they stood pledged, and to which conditions I could not accede’.
However quietly our election has passed over, the calm is only on the surface. The vanquished ... have not forgot their defeat, and the victors ... have leisure to recollect where their friends might have helped them, but did not. For my own part I scarcely know with which party I am least pleased at present ... We are carrying on an expensive law suit against the Shetlanders unsupported by three fourths of those who have an equal right to bear the burden. I care little ... for the money ... but I regret the application of it for the purpose of perpetuating an evil which is injurious to our fame as individuals and destructive of the sense of honourable feeling to every one whose public and private duty makes it necessary for him to embark in our local politics ... At a late meeting for assigning the parties concerned in their respective share of the expense, Mr. George Traill and I, the only members of our party who have ever joined in the action, signified to ... Laing and Heddle that we would go with them until the decision of the court of session was obtained, but that we were not disposed to make common cause with them any further, but rather the reverse. I took care, however, it should be understood I spoke only for myself and not for you.
Balfour mss D2/3/10, W. to J. Balfour, 9 Aug. 1826.
The magistrates, clergy and inhabitants of Stromness petitioned the Commons against Catholic emancipation, which Dundas of course supported, 24 Mar. 1829.
A combination for alternate returns, by which a Member is chosen by a minority and changed as a matter of course, is bad both in theory and practice, and can be rendered expedient or proper only by such circumstances as gave rise to it in 1818 ... It is quite premature at present to enter into any engagement for an event so distant ... I should certainly not object to a Dundas candidate as such ... but if I was called upon to choose betwixt a stranger or an acquaintance and an intimate personal friend, such for instance as a member of your family, I should not hesitate to prefer the latter, nor could Lord Dundas expect anything else ... At ... the election after next ... were I desirous to come forward again, there could be no reason why I should give way to a person named by Lord Dundas, except you or my friends wished me to do so, in which case I should of course at once acquiesce.
Ibid. D2/8/24, same to same, 2, 10 Nov. 1827.
He had a ‘satisfactory’ explanation of this with Ker, suggesting that ‘at next election at soonest’ the question might be reconsidered, and was sure there would be ‘no unpleasant feeling betwixt us and the Dundas party’ in the interim: ‘This is the advantage of having to do with gentlemen, who are too liberal minded to make an opposition of interests a ground of enmity’. Having gathered from legal experts the view that the Shetlanders’ claim, which was still before the court of session, was almost certain to be ratified sooner or later, he suggested to Captain Balfour in March 1828 that they should in that eventuality ‘propose terms to the Shetlanders before going to Parliament, which will secure to us our just proportion of political influence’.
A number of petitions for the abolition of slavery were sent to the 1830 Parliament from places in both Orkney and Shetland.
It being the turn of the Dundases to name a candidate for Orkney, and no intimation so far as I know having been given to them that the arrangement was at an end, they are perhaps expecting that in due time G. Traill will walk out and make room for them; and that, unless he has changed his mind greatly since I last saw him, he has not the smallest intention [of doing]. Perhaps the present influence of the Dundas family [with the new government] may have [wrought] some change in his intentions.
In the second week of February he advised his uncle that a canvass had already begun and that he would probably be ‘asked by each of our old associates what course you recommend, but coupled, I have no doubt, with a hint that your correspondents are very well satisfied with George Traill. In fact what alternative have they, unless you change your determination and allow yourself to be put in nomination?’
Laing is so popular among the small proprietors and householders, and ... Traill is so little known to them that the latter can stand no chance in a contest with the other if the reform bill passes in the original form, unless he can induce the Shetlanders to make common cause with him on the footing of alternate representation; and I should think it better to enter into some compromise with Mr. Laing on the same footing, for it would certainly be in every respect unpleasant to the resident freeholders to force a representative on the county, by the assistance of a stranger, against the inclinations of a decided majority of our countrymen. From Mr. Laing’s mark under the words in his private letter, ‘would give me a fair chance in turn’, I infer that alternate return would satisfy him, and in common with the Shetlanders, or Lord Dundas, we can only expect the same share. I am rather inclined to give Mr. Laing the preference. In this, however, as in all else, I am ready to do what you think best.
Baikie and Urquhart agreed, the former commenting to John Balfour that a pact with Laing might be the answer, ‘if nothing better can be done to preserve the peace of the county and to make it unnecessary to divide the representation with Shetland’.
Laing has said that he does not wish to prevent my re-election before the reform bill passing; but I have the best reason to know that the bill will pass without a dissolution, and even if it did not, my continuing to represent the county for another year, under the circumstances in which we are to be placed, would be of no service in enabling me to strengthen our interest with a view to the representation under the new state of things.
He questioned Balfour’s rejection of a pact for alternate returns with the Shetlanders, arguing that as they might in a reformed constituency hold the key to elections, it would be foolish to ‘continue to treat them as aliens’. As for an alliance with Laing, he believed that Balfour had misinterpreted Laing’s reference to ‘in turn’, contended that Laing was not a fit person to conduct county business effectively, said that he would support any person put up by the Balfours provided he favoured reform, but suggested that George Dundas would be willing to stand against Laing and should be sounded immediately. An additional recommendation of Dundas was that as a lord of the admiralty he had it ‘in his power to give the greatest aid in furthering our claims’.
placed in an awkward situation. If ... Dundas is the candidate, he can have no chance unsupported by the entire, or nearly so, body of the Shetland voters, and it would be strange indeed if they give him their support for the honour merely of being so represented after their long and expensive struggle for their political rights. They are much more likely to bargain for alternate nomination, so that Orkney will have the boon of alternately returning one of the Dundases and a Shetlander, still more a stranger to us and our concerns. To such an arrangement I should be very reluctant to accede ... By joining Laing, on the footing of alternate nomination, we should probably preserve the election to an Orkneyman; at all events we should preserve the peace of our district, and that unanimity among our gentlemen the want of which has so often been an obstruction to measures of general utility. Unfortunately the experience we have had of Mr. Laing is unfavourable to our reliance on any arrangement we could make with him ... so that the neutrality you recommend would seem to be not only our wisest, but our only practical course.
He wrote to Traill in an attempt to get him to change his mind, and pressed on with the canvass. He believed, rightly, that Traill had an eye on Caithness as an alternative seat; and reformers there, acting on his authority, had already begun to promote his candidature for the first reformed election.
At a meeting held yesterday Mr. Laing proposed a series of resolutions expressed in very strong terms as to the junction of Orkney with Shetland, its injustice and inexpediency, drawing a parallel between our population, commerce and wealth, etc., and that of Caithness and Sutherland, to each of which a separate representation had been awarded though in all these respects our inferior, ending with resolving that as reform was now sure to take place whatever ministry might be in ... our representative should be instructed to oppose the bill brought in by the present men at every stage, and though he should stand alone divide the House as often as he had an opportunity unless the concession were made to us ... I have no doubt that his object was to obtain such resolutions as to Mr. Traill’s instruction as would have disgusted the latter so much as to induce him to refuse to be returned, in which case he perhaps hoped that he himself might be invited to stand, or at all events that a breach might be effected between Traill and some of his supporters. Laing’s friends however had prevailed on him to withdraw the most obnoxious resolutions or at least to soften them down into requests that our representative would do his best to effect our disjunction from Shetland. He immediately after left Kirkwall and our ... [election] meeting passed off as quietly as a Quaker meeting.
Balfour added that he believed that ‘the good understanding’ between Traill and the Dundases was ‘such that any arrangement between him and Laing for alternate representation is out of the question’, but suspected that although Traill had disclaimed any intention of forming such an alliance with the Dundases, still less with the Shetlanders, he was not being entirely frank about ‘the nature and extent of his connection with the Dundases’, which might well be ‘of a kind he knows we must disapprove of’. Captain Balfour subsequently received information and saw letters which convinced him that Traill was in fact not guilty of concluding a binding arrangement for the future with the Dundases.
Proprietors of Shetland petitioned the Commons for separate representation, 23 Sept., 3 Oct. 1831.
It is evident that ministers are not now in a situation to treat with contempt the just representations of a Scotch county against the details of the Scotch reform bill, if those representations are backed by petitions ... against our junction with Shetland as unjust, partial and converting an independent county into a nomination county and backed by instructions to our representative to vote against the Scotch reform bill as destructive of the political existence of his constituents ... With the command of the feu duties of Shetland and of great part of Orkney and with the entire church patronage ... the Member for Orkney and Shetland united will be in the long run entirely in the nomination of Lord Dundas’s family ... If we had instructed our representative in time when I proposed our doing so to divide against the Scotch reform bill rather than agree to the junction of Shetland to Orkney we would I am confident have gained our point. Selkirk and Peebles and Bute have gained it with claims much inferior to ours, by adopting the very mode I then proposed, of petitioning both Houses against the details of the Scotch bill. I did not press the matter at that time on account of Mr. Baikie’s suggestion that it might be indelicate towards Mr. Traill to fetter him in his vote on a particular question. I ... see no indelicacy now when it is no longer the general question of reform but the detail of the Scotch bill, and whether his constituents are or are not to be deprived of their elective rights by that detail, to give the most decided instructions to the representative of the county not to surrender those rights by aiding the bill with his vote.
Ibid. D2/35/19.
Whether Traill was so mandated is not clear. In the winter of 1831-2 the Scottish solicitor-general Henry Cockburn urged Thomas Kennedy*, his coadjutor in the original draft Scottish reform proposals, to try to prevent ministers from giving way on the Orkney and Shetland issue, which would probably entail a return to the ‘horrid and dangerous’ system of alternating returns, perhaps between Shetland and Buteshire.
The issue remained a sore point with a number of leading Orkney proprietors, including John Balfour and Laing, but at the 1832 general election, when the reformed constituency of Orkney and Shetland had a registered electorate of 270, Traill was returned without opposition.
Enrolled freeholders: 40 in 1820; 49 in 1826; 43 in 1830
