‘This Wiltshire is a horrible county’, wrote William Cobbett† after passing through Cricklade in 1821: ‘fine fields and pastures all around, and yet the cultivators of those fields so miserable’.
In default of any strong aristocratic influence the county representation had long been in the hands of a small number of local gentry families, including the Goddards of Swindon, the Longs of Draycot, the Penruddockes of Compton Chamberlayne and the Pophams of Littlecote House. The Members were chosen by the Deptford and Beckhampton Clubs of leading gentlemen, from the south and north of the county respectively, and were then returned unopposed. Great play was made of the county’s spirit of independence against the intrusions of noble adventurers, most notably on the defeat of Henry Herbert, a kinsman of the Pembrokes, at a by-election in 1772. Despite the efforts of the radical Henry Hunt* of Chisenbury, the county experienced no further contests until 1818, though Paul Methuen† of Corsham House broke the monopoly of club rule in 1812, when he was elected in place of the Pittite Tory Henry Penruddocke Wyndham† of St. Edmund’s College, Salisbury. On the retirement of the inactive independent Richard Godolphin Long† of Rood Ashton at the general election of 1818, Methuen, who inclined towards the Whig opposition, was elected at the head of the poll and there was a violent contest for the second seat between the odious ministerialist William Pole Tylney Long Wellesley*, a nephew of the duke of Wellington and husband of the wealthy heiress to Draycot, and the Whig agriculturist John Benett of Pythouse. Benett came third, but, after Methuen had retired citing ill health in mid-1819, he was returned after an even more ferocious and expensive contest (during which 4,706 electors were polled) against one of his former supporters, John Dugdale Astley of Everley. Partly as a result of the recent animosities, virtuous private character, financial and political independence, party neutrality and a willingness to devote oneself to the interests of the freeholders became the candidates’ platitudes on the hustings, where national issues rarely provoked debate.
Evidently reflecting a general sentiment, Sir Richard Colt Hoare of Stourhead, author of the History of Modern Wiltshire, issued an address in August 1819 stating that
the county of Wiltshire, which for 46 successive years had enjoyed an uninterrupted state of peace and tranquillity, has been unfortunately convulsed by two electioneering contests, during which much riot, violence and confusion have been displayed; even the approach to the hustings, which should be open and free as air, to every party, has been (till lately) very scandalously molested. Every reflecting mind will naturally weigh the effects and results of these repeated contests; and at this period of temporary tranquillity it becomes every independent freeholder to heal existing differences, to conciliate party, and more especially to prevent, by every possible exertion, the return of any future opposition.
Salisbury Jnl. 16 Aug. 1819.
Relative peace was maintained by the decision of the sheriff, John Long of Monkton Farleigh, not to call a county meeting on Peterloo in November 1819, after receiving a counter-requisition with about 1,000 signatures, including those of Pembroke, several Tory peers, and John Fisher, bishop of Salisbury. Only about 300, including the 11th duke of Somerset of Maiden Bradley House, had signed the original requisition for such a meeting, but the Whigs issued a constitutional declaration complaining of the sheriff’s refusal, which included the names of Sir Francis Burdett* of Ramsbury (and Foremark, Derbyshire) and John Cam Hobhouse*, the eldest son of Sir Benjamin Hobhouse† of Cottles House (and Westbury College, Gloucestershire).
At the general election of 1820 Astley came forward against the sitting Members, and there was a rumour, ‘without much foundation probably’, of a fourth candidate.
I do not think Mr. Astley’s interest at all declined among the upper class; the odium of his apostasy is rather softened by time. The lower class, if we may call them so, have certainly seen through the delusions imposed on them, they hate [Long] Wellesley and wish you and Astley success. Astley’s foible of drinking and seeking society beneath him and who look up to [him] has been of service to him, especially here, where the best are not respectable enough for a man of his fortune, if he had a dignity of mind equal to it. For yourself, I think you have gained in interest, but not with leaders. They are more virulent, indeed it increases with the display of your integrity and talents, but the influence of the mob is I hope not against you, for they frighten and deter a great many, and influence small shopkeepers who are freeholders and dare not vote against this stream. (Who can play at chess without pawns, for such you may consider the mob.) [Long] Wellesley can only have Long’s interest for the ministers would prefer Astley as their creature under the name and shadow of independence, which [Long] W[ellesley] wants, and they are afraid of his permanence. I hope it will produce a coldness between the Longs’ party and Astley. I anticipate a division in their disappointment. Then we may say divide et impera, for I think if the contest lies between you and Astley alone, the issue to say the least of it would be doubtful - he has money and leisure. No one can appreciate higher your determination to continue your duty in Parliament at the risk of your interests. You have the glory of neglecting your own for the public good.
Benett mss 485.
A published letter from the preacher and controversialist, the Rev. Rowland Hill of Surrey Chapel, Blackfriars Road, 12 Feb., described Benett as ‘a decided friend to religious liberty’, who was ‘by no means to be registered among the mock patriots of the day, a wanton oppositionist, without any just or weighty cause’. This was said to have done him good, though it created a stir in the local press, in which several addresses accused Benett of being an oppressor of the poor and others praised him as the champion of independence.
At the nomination meeting at Devizes, 10 Mar. 1820, Benett was proposed by Phipps, and Astley by Richard Long, who had ‘positively refused’ Long Wellesley’s request to nominate him. Astley’s seconder, Thomas Tugwell of Woolley Green, denied that his candidate was merely the representative of local manufacturers or the western part of the county, and Benett spoke in defence of the interests not only of agriculture, but of commerce. At the unopposed election at Wilton, 14 Mar., when John Croker* noted that most of those attending had ‘cockades on both sides of their hats, but of different colours’, Benett, proposed by Ludlow, and Astley, nominated by Thomas Grove of Fern House, each made the customary remarks about independence and deprecated any further animosities. Benett, an active county Member, was particularly praised for hazarding another election, while Astley, who was given a baronetcy the following year, proved to be indolent in the House and was considered an unworthy representative.
The news of the acquittal of Queen Caroline was greeted with public rejoicing at several places in Wiltshire, and Lansdowne wrote to Holland from Bowood, 19 Nov. 1820, that
from what I see and hear of this part of this country you would have no difficulty in making the people (i.e. the great bulk of the middling classes) do what you please. You may perhaps have seen the authentic account of our triumphant progress through Calne after being met on the London road by a number of persons on horseback, music, etc.
With characteristic caution, however, Lansdowne admitted to Holland ten days later that he was reluctant to promote a county meeting, a requisition for which was soon in progress, and added that ‘you must not expect Wiltshire to set, but follow examples’.
Burdett and I tried not to speak, but after the sheriff had been thanked, we were called upon, one after the other, and were very well received. This I thought a singular sign in such a county, but in fact a very great change has taken place in public opinion.
Lansdowne reported to Holland that ‘our meeting passed off admirably ... Some of the country gentlemen least connected with party expressed the strongest opinion for a change of ministers. In short we are very popular’.
Benett brought up further petitions from the manufacturers and landowners of Wiltshire complaining of distress, 6, 15 Mar. 1821.
A magistrates’ petition for alteration of the game laws was presented to the House, 4 May 1827, by Bucknall Estcourt, now Member for Oxford University. Among the many petitions against the Test Acts prepared by individual congregations during that year and the next, there was one from the associated ministers and pastors of the Independent churches of Wiltshire and East Somerset, which was brought up by Benett, 31 May 1827.
In October 1828 it was reported that a Brunswick Club would be formed in Wiltshire, but a local paper commented that ‘however strong the feelings of some of our leading gentlemen may be against granting further concessions to the Catholics, we believe that they would hesitate long before they agitated the county on the subject’.
In January 1830 the magistrates of Wiltshire agreed to get up a petition complaining of agricultural distress, and Lansdowne, who ‘recommended them to abstain carefully from pointing out remedies’, noted that ‘the feeling of irritation and distress are getting evidently very general’. Astley brought up and endorsed the petition from over 3,000 inhabitants of the county to the Commons, 19 Feb., when Benett gave the distance that many freeholders would have to travel as the reason why no county meeting had been called; Lansdowne presented it to the Lords, 22 Feb. Petitions from the proprietors and occupiers of land for extending the poor laws to Ireland were presented to the Commons and the Lords by Benett and Carnarvon, 29 Mar.
On 12 Nov. 1830 Benett boasted in the House that Wiltshire had not seen any rural unrest, but Cobbett rightly predicted in his Weekly Political Register, 20 Nov., that it might soon spread there, and the first incidents of threatening letters and arson began at about that time. As Benett later informed the Commons (on 8 Feb. 1831), it was known ‘that my house would be pulled down, because it was thought I would be the most likely person to oppose the rioters; so generally was this reported, that my family had warnings to quit the house’. He took leave from the Commons (as did Astley), 23 Nov., and was involved in dealing with the major disturbances on his estate, which marked the culmination of the ‘Swing’ riots in Wiltshire.
I arrived here at 4 o’clock this morning and was called out of bed at nine by the information that a large mob of labourers were assembled in my parish to break machines and that mine would also be destroyed. I could not get a brother magistrate or collect ten men to support me. Even my own tenants of every description were in a state of extreme alarm. I got on my horse, and with my steward and a tenant went in quest of these deluded people ... I addressed them and remonstrated strongly on their conduct, telling them that I should not yield to demands made while they were in a state of riot ... The mob I suppose being 500, I told them I should not use force of any kind, but I sat on my horse to observe them, which they did not like and attacked me with sticks and stones. One of the latter struck me on the head and has disabled me for the present.
He retreated inside, and was rescued later that day by the Hindon troop of yeomanry cavalry, who dispersed the mob by force, during which so-called ‘battle’ one of the rioters was killed.
my time is incessantly engaged with the state of Wiltshire, and a continual correspondence with that heterogeneous body, a county magistracy - all quite abroad and not knowing how to conduct themselves in such a crisis. The people about me have been quiet enough, but there really has been la peur aux quatre coins.
Lansdowne mss.
Local landowners and magistrates initially refused to raise wages and the rioters were prosecuted at a special commission, after which one man was executed and 152 were transported. But once peace was re-established, wages were raised, and Methuen told a meeting at Melksham, 6 Dec. 1830, that ‘he hoped there was no landlord so mean, so base, so wicked, as to wish to retain the labourers in their present degraded condition’.
In November 1830, partly to try to calm the unrest, the indefatigable reformer John Thomas Mayne of Teffont House prepared a petition for parliamentary reform and reduced expenditure, and circulated it widely through the county.
I have been mainly instrumental in circulating the requisition ... and have hitherto not written to you or Lord Lansdowne on the subject ... as the first object of it is to assist your government in carrying your measure I have thought that it would be better that your names should not be attached to it, but finding that many persons, not unfriendly to the proceeding, think that you would be rather left without such aid (which I apprehend is not the case) I now trouble you on the subject, as if you sign it, I shall have a conclusive answer to give to such objectors.
Add. 51566.
He was apparently rebuffed by both Holland and Lansdowne, but Methuen duly called the meeting.
Contemplating the passage of the bill, Methuen had already been sufficiently encouraged by the depth of support expressed privately for him to consider standing again for the county as a reformer. On 6 Feb. 1831 he wrote to Radnor:
I have in short, not the presumption to offer myself, but I think I cannot be blamed for taking advantage of circumstances should they turn up in favour of my pretensions. I am at the same time resolved not to spend a shilling and I must try popularity versus purse should a Dives oppose me. I feel and believe at this moment the course is open to me. What may happen in another year who may say?
He added that he had
not the slightest objection to being started against Astley, and the more so as I wish to give [sic] the county at large that there never was any understanding between us or any support for me previously to his having been the declared candidate for the county [in 1819].
Radnor mss 1381.
Yet, on account of his shrievalty, he was obliged to bide his time at the general election of 1831. Nothing came of rumours that Astley might be challenged by a genuine reformer, such as the pioneer photographer William Henry Fox Talbot† of Lacock Abbey, who was defeated at Chippenham, or the geologist George Julius Poulett Scrope of Castle Combe, who was unsuccessful at Chippenham and Malmesbury. Nor did an anti-reformer emerge, though Thomas Henry Sutton Bucknall Estcourt and Edward Henry A’Court, Member for Heytesbury, were supposed to have started canvasses.
The reform bill went to the Lords that month and a requisition for a Wiltshire meeting was prepared by Poulett Scrope, who wrote that ‘a well-attended and enthusiastic county meeting at this moment will go far towards convincing the peers of the hopelessness of any opposition to the bill, and the policy of passing it with as little noise as possible’. The list of 120 names, which included Astley, Benett, Hobhouse and Burdett, was headed by Suffolk and Radnor, although they had expressed doubts about its expediency.
The gentry are equally divided: the half that are for reform very well disposed to the government, but many of these would rather see the bill modified; the middle classes in the proportion of four or five to one for the bill as it was; the lower orders nearly unanimous for any change, with a vague hope that it must better their condition.
Grey mss; R. W. Davis, ‘Whigs and Idea of Electoral Deference’, Durham Univ. Jnl. lxvii (1974), 85.
However, the county was largely quiet during the passage of the revised reform bill.
Although seven of Wiltshire’s rotten boroughs, including Old Sarum, were abolished, and a further four were deprived of one of their seats, the county remained overrepresented. The Northern division (which had Devizes as its principal town, and additional polling places at Malmesbury, Melksham and Swindon) returned two county Members, and contained the boroughs of Calne (one Member), Chippenham, Devizes, Malmesbury (one Member), Marlborough and Cricklade, which retained its identity as a separate electoral district. The two Members for the less populous Southern division (which had Salisbury as its capital, and additional polling places at East Everley and Warminster), were joined by those from Salisbury and the single Member constituencies of Westbury and Wilton.
Estimated voters: about 5000
