Hampshire retained its predominantly rural and agrarian character during this period. Between 1821 and 1831 its population rose by 14 per cent, but the proportion living in the main urban centres of Portsmouth, Southampton and Winchester, the county town and venue for the elections, remained virtually constant at just under a quarter.
It had long been held as a common sentiment by every set of ministers that had successively governed the nation, that the influence of government in these towns would at all times ensure a majority in the county. It was, in fact, a common phrase in the county ‘that the minister must have his man’.
Hants Telegraph, 24 Apr. 1820.
While the government remained Tory, its interest was buttressed by the Hampshire County Club and the Hampshire Pitt Club. Prominent in both were Sir John Walter Pollen of Redenham, Member for Andover, 1820-31, Abel Rous Dottin of Bugle Hall, Member for Southampton, 1826-31, and Sir George Henry Rose, Member for Christchurch throughout the period and the son of George Rose†, the late Pittite election manager.
At the 1820 general election the sitting Members retired. On 10 Feb. Fleming came forward, professing independent support for the Liverpool ministry and a willingness to countenance measures of reform. Although it appears that he neither sought nor received a formal endorsement from the ministry, he enjoyed the good wishes of the 3rd Viscount Palmerston* of Broadlands, the war secretary, and Lord FitzHarris* and his father the 1st earl of Malmesbury, the most senior government supporter in the county and its lord lieutenant.
although Compton is well received everywhere, the voters will couple Mr. Jervoise with him instead of Mr. Fleming, and the consequence is that the former is rising and the other sinking every day, so that in fact the contest is now betwixt Fleming and Compton.
In these circumstances, subscribers to defray the expenses of the parsimonious Compton were hard to find, and Drummond suggested that a comparison might be made between the returns for him and Fleming, and that ‘whichever is found to have fewer in number of friends should withdraw without disturbing the peace of the county’.
could not have gone to the poll for less than £5,000 for one day, as it was necessary to have houses, horses and carriages which my opponent had done ... and if I had succeeded I have no hesitation in saying that F[leming] would have failed, and you would be in the same state as at present, with one ministerial and one opposition representative.
Ibid. BR195/25.
Fleming, who was blissfully unaware of these machinations, protested to Compton that his success had been ‘as certain as my own’ and that his retreat had ‘only delayed the contest which must assuredly take place on the next dissolution’. His ‘most circumstantial and accurate’ canvass figures, which must be treated with caution given the weight of contrary evidence, indicated a notional result of 3,539 for himself, 2,271 for Compton and 1,307 for Jervoise, with 845 reckoned as doubtful. This was exclusive of Havant, where, he assured Compton, ‘almost every vote was for yourself and me’, though an agent had reported ‘the greatest success’ there on behalf of Jervoise.
In the inevitable post-mortem, Fleming vented his anger against the Whigs, ‘who do not fail to trumpet their imaginary triumph, and express regrets that they did not start a second candidate’. With the benefit of hindsight, one agent suggested that he and Compton should have ‘joined hand in hand as ministerial candidates’, a course which had been resisted by Fleming, who was nevertheless dismayed to discover that ‘certain loyal gents at Portsmouth canvassed the dockyard votes for plumpers for Compton’. ‘There has been indeed a dreadful misunderstanding somewhere’, he lamented, ‘and no less bad management to give up so certain a game without any apparent necessity.
Following the abandonment of proceedings against Queen Caroline, a Gosport meeting voted a loyal address to George IV, 8 Dec. 1820.
During the rumours of a dissolution in September 1825 Jervoise announced that he would retire at the next election owing to ill health.
there never was an election for this county which caused less hubbub, or went off so perfectly free from riot or confusion. In the evening everything was as quiet, save here and there a drunken man, as though nothing extraordinary had happened. There were fewer persons present at the hall than ever were known on a similar occasion.
Hants Telegraph, 19 June, 18 Sept.; Hants Chron. 19 June 1826.
At the August 1826 meeting of the County Club, satisfaction was expressed at ‘the return of Members whose political opinions were congenial to their own’, but Heathcote’s protestations of independence proved not to be entirely unfounded.
Petitions from numerous Hampshire localities against alteration of the corn laws were presented by the Members both before and after the 1826 election. At a meeting of landowners in the Andover district, 22 Sept. 1826, one such petition was proposed by Pollen, but Hunt and Marsh, having successfully argued for the right of all present to vote, secured the passage of an amendment demanding economy and retrenchment.
Rumours of a contest abounded before the 1830 general election. Wellington’s son Lord Douro*, who had first been suggested as a candidate in 1825, was spoken of, but stories that he or his younger brother Charles would stand were rejected by one press report as ‘totally void of foundation’.
The ‘Swing’ agricultural disturbances hit Hampshire in mid-November 1830 and involved full scale rioting in the districts of Havant, Alresford, Andover, Fordingbridge, Ringwood and Fawley. The yeomanry, disbanded four years earlier, was revived, and a special commission held in Winchester issued 101 death sentences, of which six were carried out.
By the beginning of April a requisition was in circulation calling on Shaw Lefevre and Macdonald to stand on a joint reform platform at the next general election. It was headed by the signatures of Jervoise, Bonham Carter and Sir Thomas Baring, who had declined to come forward after his son Francis Thornhill Baring had thrown ‘as much cold water on the scheme as I was able, not seeing my way through the expense, and feeling that he could not make a retreat once embarked’.
To Fleming, Wellington offered some curious political analysis, 1 May 1831:
It must have cost you some money and it has always appeared to me that Winchester is so placed in respect to the county in general that a popular candidate had definite advantages over his opponents, as his supporters could come in to vote without expense, while those of the candidate standing on the influence of property or of government would require to be paid for.
Wellington mss WP4/3/4/23.
Both claimed to detect a reaction against the bill in the summer, but decided that an anti-reform declaration would only rally their opponents.
By the Reform Act, Hampshire was split into Northern and Southern divisions, each returning two Members, and the Isle of Wight acquired its own representative. A government amendment to classify this Member as a knight of the shire was passed, 16 Aug. 1831, after the defeat of a proposal, backed by a petition presented on 13 July, for the Island to return two Members.
Estimated voters: about 6000
