Described by Punch as ‘a nobleman of some silliness’, Percy, styled Lord Lovaine from 1830 to 1865, was heir to one of the most prestigious dukedoms in the country, and briefly served in the cabinet. Over the course of a long political career in the Commons and Lords, however, he struggled to win the admiration of his colleagues, who thought little of his abilities.
Lovaine’s first two attempts to re-enter the Commons ended in failure. At the 1841 general election he came forward in the Conservative interest at Exeter, close to his father’s Devonshire estates, but following a difficult campaign in which he was portrayed as an unwelcome outsider, he was defeated in third place.
Although it was not discussed publicly, there may have been private doubts amongst the leading Northumbrian gentry concerning Lovaine’s religious views.
Following a requisition from tenant farmers and land occupiers, Lovaine offered again for Northumberland North at the 1852 general election. He gave lukewarm support to franchise extension, while stating that he would oppose any change that placed ‘the beggar … above the owner of property, the fool above the wise man, and the faggot voter above the independent farmer’. He appeared to accept the inevitability of free trade, but argued that the policies of the Liberal government gave foreigners an undue advantage. He was particularly opposed to the removal of Jewish disabilities, though he was notably lenient towards Catholics, insisting that ‘as long as the laws are observed, it is no business of mine to inquire into the religious belief of every Englishman’.
Lovaine, a steady attender who was ‘never a brilliant speaker’, made frequent, if rather uninspiring, contributions to debate, principally on military and naval issues.
In his first Parliament, the majority of Lovaine’s contributions to debate reflected his concern for the state of the British army and the reform of British policing. He called for an increase in the number of officers serving in the Crimea in order to better manage the ‘trying conditions’ there, 24 Feb., 5 May 1854, and strenuously opposed the government’s militia bill, which proposed to send volunteers abroad, 13, 14 Dec. 1854. He doggedly pressed Palmerston for the precise details of the bill, and moved an amendment to ensure that if volunteers were sent abroad, the ‘remaining portion at home should be kept on duty to add vigour to the regiment’, but it was withdrawn owing to a lack of support, 18 Dec. 1854. He subsequently condemned the ‘total misapprehension’ behind the government’s militia policy, arguing that the volunteers were not ‘a nursery for the army, but rather for the defence of the country itself’, 3 Mar. 1856. He also intervened frequently in the debates on the police (counties and boroughs) bill, 5 Feb., 2 May 1856. Believing that some members of watch committees were too closely tied with local beer houses, he pressed for a greater scrutiny of their powers, but his clause to give greater responsibilities to chief constables (which would have weakened the influence of watch committees), came to nothing, 23 May 1856.
Returned unopposed at the 1857 general election, Lovaine attacked the Liberal ministry’s foreign policy in China and condemned the bombardment of ‘the defenceless city of Canton’, 17 July 1857. He saved his greatest invective for the divorce and matrimonial causes bill. Aligning himself with Gladstone in opposition to the legislation, he attacked the premise that the clergy would have to allow ‘an adulteress … to marry in the same way as the person whom she had wronged’ and that they ‘would be obliged to pronounce the blessings of the Church upon parties convicted of heinous sin’, something Lovaine felt ‘would be nothing less than rank blasphemy’, 31 July 1857. In committee, his attempts to shape the legislation were frustrated; his amendment that it should be obligatory rather than discretionary for a court to order payment of alimony from a husband to a wife who had dissolved the marriage was defeated, 17 Aug. 1857.
Following the fall of the Liberal ministry in February 1858, Lovaine was appointed lord of the admiralty in the newly formed Derby administration. At the subsequent by-election when he was returned unopposed, he criticised Palmerston’s conspiracy to murder bill, arguing that although good relations with France were important, it was ‘the first duty of England to preserve the right of asylum’.
At the 1859 general election Lovaine defended the Derby ministry’s reform bill and trumpeted his own efforts in securing the defence of England’s shores. He was re-elected without opposition.
Following the death without issue of the 4th duke of Northumberland in February 1865, Lovaine’s father succeeded to the dukedom. Consequently, at the 1865 general election Lovaine (who was now styled Earl Percy) resigned his seat, citing ‘the pressure of new duties’.
In the Lords, Northumberland did little to persuade his colleagues of his abilities. Disraeli revealed to Queen Victoria that:
The Duke of Northumberland is very unpopular, and has the reputation of being the proudest man in yr majesty’s dominions. He is proud, but he is more shy; and suffering under a morbid feeling that he has never been appreciated.
Disraeli to Queen Victoria, 30 Apr. 1868, quoted in ibid., 492.
Disraeli did, however, appoint him lord privy seal in 1878, though this was probably more to do with the former’s ‘romantic penchant’ for the great noble houses than a belief in Northumberland’s abilities.
Although mocked as a politician, Northumberland’s philanthropic efforts were widely praised. In addition to being president of the Royal National Lifeboat Institution (1866-99) and the Royal Institution (1873-99), he promoted the foundation of the Durham College of Science in Newcastle (which became the University of Newcastle) and despite his continuing devotion to Irvingism, he contributed £10,000 to the establishment of the see of Newcastle, and built the church of St. George in the new ecclesiastical district.
Northumberland died from angina pectoris at Alnwick Castle in January 1899. At the time of his death he was the second to last surviving person to have sat in the pre-Reform Commons.
