Wodehouse was a nephew of the leading Norfolk high church Tory, the 1st Baron Wodehouse of Kimberley, whose family the Quaker Joseph John Gurney of Earlham deemed ‘remarkable for never keeping up the heat of party after a battle is over, and for never bearing malice’.
As a busy and forthright representative of a large corn-growing county, Wodehouse’s parliamentary conduct was closely watched, and his wayward vote against the appointment of an additional Scottish baron of exchequer, 15 May 1820, attracted comment.
When the county met to petition for action against agricultural distress, 12 Jan. 1822, Wodehouse delivered what The Times termed a ‘kind of peccavi speech’ that irked both the Whigs and his Tory critics. In it he endorsed the call for lower taxes on malt, salt, leather, soap and candles, cautioned that the resolution for a £5,000,000 cut in taxation was ‘too violent to do any good’ and said he could not support reform. He attributed distress to ‘various factors, of which the alteration in the currency was the chief’, but he conceded that repeal of the 1819 Act that had brought it about was unlikely. He spoke against imposing higher duties on foreign corn and condemned the agriculture committee’s 1821 report drafted by the minister Huskisson, which he had voted against, for its ‘stupidity and absurdity, and for its chaotic confusion of ideas’.
Mr. W.’s private worth no one disputes, but we think he has woefully embarrassed himself in politics. He will adhere, as much as he can or dares, to the old corrupt, extravagant system, and yet, he cannot help feeling for the miseries which it has created, and which he now sees around him.
Norf. Chron. 19 Oct.; The Times, 22 Oct. 1822.
At the riotous Norfolk meeting of 3 Jan. 1823, Wodehouse praised the government’s tax concessions, reiterated his views on the currency and criticized the ‘loose’ Whig petition and Cobbett’s violent one, which superseded it.
Wodehouse presented petitions from Norfolk and elsewhere for repeal of the coastwise coal duties, 12, 18, 19, 23 Feb. 1824.
Wodehouse engaged in financial dealings with his friends the Hoares and voted against repealing the usury laws, 17 Feb. 1825. As expected, he divided for the Irish unlawful societies bill, 25 Feb., and his votes for Catholic relief, 1 Mar., 21 Apr., 10 May, and endorsement of ‘the spirit of toleration’ in the Norwich archdeaconry’s favourable petition, 19 Apr., surprised its advocates, set him apart from his relations and incensed his erstwhile supporters.
Warning of local currency shortages resulting from the 1825-6 banking crisis, Wodehouse voted in a minority of seven for retaining Bank of England small notes, 13 Feb. 1826. He opposed the usury laws repeal bill as ‘badly timed’ and ‘because he thought it impossible to calculate the effect which it would have on the landed interest’, 15 Feb. His bill, introduced on 22 Feb., permitting the sale and disposal of prisons, received royal assent, 10 Apr.
He approved the ministry’s decision to implement the Corn Importation Acts by order in council, 24 Nov., but his dissatisfaction with Jacob’s statistics persisted and he pressed for further returns, 28 Nov., 2, 4, 5 Dec. 1826.
With the London bankers Sir Peter Pole and Company, Hoares, Everett Walker and Company and others, Wodehouse had stood surety in 1822 for the discredited Middlesex county treasurer George Boulton Mainwaring’s† debts, and he was almost bankrupted in 1828 when the magistrates redeemed his personal bond.
I never knew a measure to have been more fairly discussed or considered, but I entertain very serious apprehensions that any good which might be expected from the measure will be destroyed by the proceeding which government has in contemplation for the contraction of the currency.
He voted against their small notes bill, 5, 16, 27 June, but divided with them against ordnance reductions, 4 July. He presented anti-slavery petitions, 13 June, 24 July. At the opening of the new Norwich corn exchange, 28 Nov., he praised the 1828 Corn Importation Act as the best that could have been passed for the good of agriculture.
As expected, Wodehouse divided ‘with government’ for Catholic emancipation, 6, 30 Mar. 1829. He endorsed the Norfolk clergy’s favourable petition, 12 Mar., but conceded the continued strength of the Norfolk anti-Catholics, whose petitions he silently presented the same day. He brought up a second pro-emancipation petition from the Norfolk clergy and drew attention to the unauthorized use of the dean of Hereford’s signature in the hostile Hereford one, 24 Mar. He voted to permit Daniel O’Connell to sit without taking the oaths of allegiance, 18 May. He obtained returns, 17 Feb., 27 Mar., 11 May, but failed to persuade the chief excise officers to discuss the failings of the 1827 Act with the maltsters’ delegation, 21 May. On the 15th he joined the Norfolk growers, whose hostile petition he presented, 6 May, in opposing the abortive Smithfield market bill. Utilizing information available to him as a member of the 1825 and 1827 select committees, he spoke against the friendly societies bill and the labourers’ wages bill, 15 May, describing the latter as a ‘hazardous experiment’ whose impact on the poor laws could not be predicted. He ordered further corn returns with a view to replacing Jacob’s statistics, 27 Mar., and criticized the currency change, the averages, the use of statistics for the atypical war years and the doctrines of free trade in his speech against the fixed duty proposed by Hume, whom he challenged, as a fellow Norfolk landowner, to put his arguments with him to the weavers of Norwich, 19 May. He proudly persisted in speaking out against the currency change as ‘a public duty’, 1, 4 June. The sudden death on 21 June 1829 of his wife, with whom he had 14 children, affected him deeply, and soon afterwards he let his mansion at Sennowe, which his brother Thomas later occupied, and rented another at Thorpe, near Norwich.
Addressing the county meeting requisitioned by the yeomanry to petition for the repeal of the malt duties to alleviate distress, 16 Jan. 1830, Wodehouse maintained that the time for pleading ‘parliamentary consistency’ was over. He stated that he was prepared to disagree openly with the government and proposed an amendment adding reductions in the taxes on tea, sugar, coal and candles, commodities ‘equally applicable to the poorer and industrious classes’, to the petition’s demands, together with resolutions attributing distress to the currency change and high taxes; his proposals were rejected outright in favour of the single tax petition.
Is it not delusion, and worse than delusion, to talk of a gold standard existing for ten years? Those years have been years of grinding oppression, and that oppression has been caused by the Act of this House. You may send me to Newgate for speaking thus boldly; but for that I care not. I know the House has absolute power, and that it also pretends absolute wisdom. The reduction of taxation is all that is left for us; it is here my confidence rests, for my confidence in ... ministers is gone, utterly gone. All the great names, every great authority that has been or can be referred to on this subject, differ from ... [Peel] and his colleagues.
Liaising with Suffield, who was to assist him in the Lords, and Robert Slaney, he obtained returns, 11, 17 Feb., 5 Mar., 7 Apr., and sought to legislate to transfer poor rate liability from the occupiers to the owners of cottages rated at or below £5, but nothing came of it.
I believe the representations of Mr. Jacob on foreign corn to have been made the organ of mischievous falsehood; while, at the same time, I must add that he is the author of various pamphlets on this subject, and I must believe that his intentions are of the best kind.
Attending to local concerns, he steered the Sekforde’s Almshouse bill successfully through the Commons and was a majority teller with the Suffolk Member Gooch for the contentious Southwood Haven bill, by which Gooch’s son Edward stood to profit, 3 May.
Wodehouse announced his candidature at the general election, 8 July 1830, knowing that that his pro-emancipation votes and criticisms of government had cost him the backing of most high church Tories. He canvassed assiduously and sought support from Suffield, one of the few who had condoned his 16 Jan. speech.
It is perfectly true that all parties give Mr. Wodehouse credit for most assiduous regard to the private parliamentary interests of his constituents, and for absolute integrity in his public conduct; but as this conduct appears the result only of incipient dissatisfaction with his original opinions, it wants the stability and decision of confirmed principle, and leaves all parties utterly incapable of divining, by the laws of consistency, what course, in the exercise of his judgement, he would on any future occasion pursue.
The Times, 17, 20 Aug. 1830.
Wodehouse kept a low profile during the reform era, but he remained an active magistrate and lobbied for ‘any measure for the employment and relief of the poor’.
