Lockhart, a loquacious, talented and successful barrister, and conscientious parliamentarian, was defeated at Oxford in 1818 by the resurgent Blenheim interest, which he had himself overturned in 1812. He had weakened his own position in the constituency through his support for the corn laws, the property tax and repressive legislation, and by failing to pay his election bills.
It was not unusual to tie a virgin back to back with her lover, and then, after every indignity and abomination that could sicken the heart and revolt our nature, to throw them together into the Loire - and this, in the wretched slang of this polluted nation, was denominated a republican marriage!
Jackson’s Oxford Jnl. 13 Nov. 1819.
At the general election of 1820, when one of the Members for Oxford retired, he offered again, professing independence and resting his pretensions on his previous parliamentary conduct. He became involved in a contest with the sitting Blenheim Member and a leading equity lawyer of extreme Tory views. On the hustings, he deplored ‘the blasphemous, seditious, and assassinating temper of the times’ and declared that he would
strive to direct his political conduct in the spirit of that temperate, constitutional wisdom which aims at the security of liberty, not the infringement of it, and which might preserve our rights and privileges by guarding them from the canker of licentious abuse.
He finished in second place, well behind the newcomer, but comfortably ahead of the Blenheim man, who retired after three days.
Lockhart pursued an independent and idiosyncratic line in the 1820 Parliament, where he frequently intervened in debate, especially on legal subjects. He hoped that Lord Althorp’s proposed bill to amend the Insolvent Debtors Act, 2 May 1820, would deal harshly with offenders guilty of inflicting ‘severe personal injuries’. He saw no reason to bring prisoners confined in the Fleet for contempt of chancery under the review of an inferior judge, 31 May; but on 20 June he objected to the Liverpool ministry’s king’s bench proceedings bill, designed to extend nisi prius hearings, arguing that it would create ruinous expense for litigants and overwhelm the chief justice. He was a teller for the minority of eight against the measure. He called for the exchequer court to be opened to all attorneys, 7 July.
In the present dense state of the population, when the activity of the public mind was increased through the medium of the press, and when the extension of education had opened inlets to general knowledge, and the pressure of taxation had created discontent, he thought it was absolutely necessary for the safety of the metropolis, that an armed force of some kind should be kept on foot.
Yet he saw no reason why that force should be provided exclusively by the army, housed in permanent barracks, and put the case for the creation of armed bands of respectable citizens. He unsuccessfully divided the House against the third reading.
On 17 Oct. 1820 Lockhart condemned the bill of pains and penalties against Queen Caroline as
a flagrant violation of Magna Charta, a proceeding fatal to the liberty and security of the country ... vexatiously protracted, when no doubt could remain of Her Majesty’s innocence, like a wounded snake, ‘dragging its slow length along’, unfit to live, and yet unwilling to die.
He may have been at the Oxfordshire meeting called to vote a loyal address to the king, 22 Jan. 1821, when a Whig amendment was carried; but if so he remained silent.
He had hitherto in general supported ministers. He had supported them throughout the war, which by their wisdom, fortitude, and perseverance, they had brought to so triumphant a conclusion ... but he doubted whether they understood the arts of peace as well as those of war.
He voted for the restoration, 26 Jan., 13 Feb., when he again spoke on the subject; but he abstained from the division on the opposition censure motion, 6 Feb. On 9 Feb. he said that ‘the most rigid economy on the part of ministers’ was the only solution to distress, assuming that a reversion to the old currency system or a redistribution of taxes were out of the question. That day he was in the minority against renewal of the sugar duties, and he presented further petitions against interference with the timber duties, 23 Feb.
On the address, 7 Feb. 1822, Lockhart, claiming that he ‘did not attribute any callosity of heart to ministers, but [that] he believed their judgement was unsound’, repeated his appeal for ‘speedy measures of relief’ to avert ‘the total ruin of the agricultural interest’, which might end in unrest on the Irish scale: as ever, he specified economy and retrenchment, but now dwelt also on the need to keep up protection. He presented and endorsed agriculturists’ petitions calling for relief, 18, 20, 21 Feb., 6, 7 Mar., and objected to voting the navy estimates on inadequate information, 22 Feb.;
Lockhart, who explained his parliamentary conduct at the annual Oxford mayor’s feast, 30 Sept. 1822,
Lockhart presented Oxford parish petitions for repeal of the laws concerning small debts, 14 Feb. 1825.
Lockhart made light of the recent commercial crisis, 3 Feb. 1826, for he ‘considered occasional paroxysms of that nature as inseparable from the enlarged and growing bulk of the trade and resources of this great nation’. Nor was he disposed to blame the Bank, though he would not oppose the proposed measures for ‘opening the traffic to other adventurers’. He was in the minority of nine against the third reading of the promissory notes bill, 7 Mar. He said that the bill dealing with the arrangements between debtor and creditor did not go far enough, 27 Feb., and on 7 Mar. suggested that if the power to commit to the Fleet for contempt was done away with, the usefulness of chancery jurisdiction would be destroyed. He presented an Oxford petition for the abolition of slavery, 2 Mar.
Lockhart stood again for Oxford at the 1826 general election, when he boasted of his support for his constituents’ campaigns for the abolition of slavery and repeal of the window tax. Another contest occurred, in which he finished a comfortable second.
He might plead as his excuse a long and serious illness; but he should add ... another cause ... that very few questions of great national importance had been there discussed, in consequence of the numerous changes which had taken place in the ministry. The House had been occupied by contentions for power and place, by matters of mere personal and party interest, with which he never chose to mix himself.
He claimed that he would have voted for repeal of the Test Acts if his support had been crucially necessary. On Catholic relief, he announced that he had now decided to remain neutral until ministers, whom he strongly criticized for their ‘disunion at this momentous crisis’, when ‘demagogues’ were threatening revolution in Ireland, had made up their collective mind one way or the other.
On the presentation of an Oxford parish petition for repeal of the malt and beer duties, 17 Mar. 1830, Lockhart blamed distress largely on the alteration of the currency, which had ‘thrown down every species of property’:
We have been wandering in search of foreign markets, and by our improvident measures at home, have put it out of the power of our own people to consume our manufactures. Perhaps it is scarcely possible to go back to the currency to which the country has been accustomed, and by which all transactions were measured during the war, but that is no reason why we should obstinately persevere in our present course of conduct, without endeavouring to adopt some measures to counteract, in the language of Burke, ‘the most gigantic swindling transaction of which any state was ever guilty’.
He supported Davenport’s motion for inquiry into the state of the nation, 19 Mar., declaring that ‘the evil rankling in the very core of the heart of our social system’ could no longer be ignored. From the opposition benches, 23 Mar., he tried to prevent the reception of a Drogheda petition for repeal of the Union, but eventually yielded to the sense of the House. His only recorded vote in the 1830 session was against Jewish emancipation, 17 May 1830.
He stood again for Oxford at the general election that year, and was forced to defend himself against criticism of his absenteeism, which he said his critics had exaggerated and which he ascribed mostly to poor health: ‘surely, at the age of 70 [sic], and after 23 years arduous service in their cause, he might be allowed a little indulgence, to enable him to recruit his health sufficiently to resume his duties’. He could not get a hearing on the hustings and was beaten into third place by the man whom he had kept out in 1826. He petitioned, but, still handicapped by poor health, did not follow it up.
the friend of freedom, but it is freedom of a rational kind; and I am the enemy of every doctrine and practice tending to loosen the links or subvert the order of society, whether it be the tyranny of the rich over the poor, or the attempts of the lower to degrade or destroy the upper classes.
Jackson’s Oxford Jnl. 9 Oct. 1830.
In October 1831 it was revealed that he had approved the principle of the Grey ministry’s reform bill earlier in the year, having spent his life ‘in active opposition to all unconstitutional influence, as well as to base and lawless corruption’.
He died, as John Ingram Wastie, at Great Haseley in August 1835, five months after becoming recorder of Oxford. An obituary reckoned that ‘his great legal knowledge, sterling independence, and sound constitutional principles, deservedly secured to him the respect of the Senate, and the confidence of his constituents’.
