Originally springing from the Devon family of the same name, the Chichesters had established themselves in the north of Ireland from the early seventeenth century, when Sir Arthur Chichester was lord deputy. His descendant and namesake, the 5th earl of Donegall, who was Member for Malmesbury, 1768-74, was given a British peerage in 1790 and created a marquess the following year. On his death in 1799 he was succeeded as 2nd marquess of Donegall by his eldest son, who had become Member for Carrickfergus in the Irish Parliament the previous year. He, who inherited large estates in counties Antrim and Donegal, as well as in Staffordshire, and was reckoned the richest Irish landowner, was licentious and profligate in proportion to his status and fortune.
a good thing for him. If anybody can get him his old or work him out a new title, it is that little she-attorney Lady Glengall, though they say she hates her daughter so much she will try no more when once she is off her hands.
Fox Jnl. 52-53.
The question of his legitimacy did not affect his standing for Parliament, to which in 1818 he was returned by his father for Carrickfergus, where he served at least once as mayor. At the general election of 1820 Belfast, who reportedly took up ‘27 conspirators in conclave at Glasgow on the same night as Thistlewood’s party was disturbed in London’, initially offered again for Carrickfergus.
Lord Belfast failed in his efforts to sort out his legal position in the consistory court and in chancery, where, on 10 Feb. 1821, the lord chancellor advised the parties to take the case to the House of Lords.
Lord Belfast appears to have been almost entirely inactive in politics for the rest of that Parliament, as his only other known votes were against Catholic relief, 1 Mar., 10 May 1825. At the general election of 1826 he judged that he again had insufficient support on the registers to enable him to contest the county and he was therefore returned for Belfast as an Orangeman.
I have myself supported the government (of which you formed a part) for ten years, my family from time immemorial, and I have never received the smallest favour at their hands. On the contrary, whatever little requests I have made, have without exception been refused.
Add. 40395, ff. 68, 70, 119, 121.
The premier held out no hopes.
He voted against the enfranchisement of Birmingham, Leeds and Manchester, 23 Feb. 1830. Having assured his constituents that, although he had missed the London meeting of Irish Members on the subject, he was opposed to the increases in Irish stamp duties, he presented their petitions on this, 13, 17 May.
According to a contemporary radical source, Lord Belfast’s ‘chief use in Parliament has been to keep a better man out. When he has attended and voted, it has been on the wrong side’.
At the ensuing general election he offered again for the county as a reformer and, receiving popular support in his former constituency, he was returned unopposed, despite being absent because of illness.
At the general election of 1832 he was returned as a Liberal for Antrim with O’Neill, after a contest against two other Conservatives. In 1837 he retreated to Belfast, but was unseated on petition the following year and, having unsuccessfully contested the seat again in 1841, was granted a consolation peerage. By the time he succeeded to the marquessate in 1844, his and his father’s debts amounted to over £400,000 and, having already lost control of almost all the property and influence in Belfast, he was obliged to suffer the indignity of seeing the town sold off under the aegis of the encumbered estates court in 1850.
