Lord George Bentinck, as he was commonly known, claimed to have ‘sat in eight Parliaments without having taken part in any great debate’ when he assumed the leadership of the Protectionists in the Commons in 1846.
I was prepared for the quickness and the good sense which I have found in him; and for his docility, diligence and excessive desire to do his duty, and more than his duty, I was not prepared. I am serious when I say that he has been of great use as well as comfort and pleasure to me, and hope I have done him some good, but not more than he deserves.
Ibid. 129, 451.
(He was to deploy his knowledge of diplomatic procedures when questioning the foreign secretary Lord Palmerston about the Paris conference on the use of French troops in Belgium, 8 Aug. 1831.) Bentinck’s foreign office career ceased shortly after John became Portland’s heir by the death of their brother Lord Titchfield, 5 Mar. 1824, and, turning down Canning’s offer of a post as a précis writer, ‘it being the duke of Portland’s wish that he should now take to the army as his profession’, he succeeded to John’s commission in the Life Guards.
In December 1827 he was put forward for King’s Lynn, where the appointment of Lord William as governor-general of Bengal had created a vacancy.
Lord George, though wishing well to government of course, appeared to me rather a frondeur, complained of the want of activity in ministers (by the bye the duke is certainly rather an inefficient member) and told me that the others even talk of beating us in the House of Commons, and that many are violent.
Castle Howard mss.
Having wisely insisted on a prompt election he came in unopposed, 4 Feb. 1828, and took his seat on the 14th.
Bentinck was grieved by the ‘degradation’ and ‘political weakness’ of the Whig leader Lord Grey’s recent ‘disgraceful flirtation with the Ultra Tories’, and observed on requesting a lift to London for the session from Lord Morpeth, 19 Jan. 1829, that ‘I can’t journey up by myself for the bore of it, nor in the mail for the discomfort, less than all in company with a Tory because we should be sure to quarrel and fight before we got half way’.
The Wellington ministry listed Bentinck among their ‘foes’, and he divided against them when they were brought down on the civil list, 15 Nov. 1830. Informing his father of Grey’s ministerial appointments, he remarked that Brougham had been made lord chancellor ‘to get him fast and render him harmless in case he should become unruly’. He expressed dismay at the appointment of Lord Melbourne, whom he thought ‘both idle and inefficient’, as home secretary and complained that the postmaster-general Richmond, to whom he had intimated that Portland would support the new government, was entitled to something better.
For myself, I am disposed to trust with perfect confidence in the wisdom, prudence, and honourable intentions of ministers on this subject; I am satisfied that the measure they will produce will be such as to redeem the promise made by ... [Grey] that his reform, whilst it secured to the people the rights of good government, should also be so tempered with prudence as to be consistent with the permanent security of private property.
He presented petitions for, 19 Mar., and against the ministerial bill, 19 Apr., and voted for its second reading, 22 Mar., and against Gascoyne’s wrecking amendment, 19 Apr. At the ensuing general election he came in for King’s Lynn with the reformer Lord William Pitt Lennox at a cost of £1,050. On the hustings, he claimed that he had fulfilled his promises to ‘support his own independence in the House’ free from the spoils of office, that he had voted for tax reductions, secured valuable concessions on the duties on coal and beer, and had helped to steer legislation affecting the waterworks, new market hall and the port through Parliament. He promised to ensure that the Eau Brink commissioners maintained the free bridge over the cut and paid compensation for the damage sustained to the river and harbour. On reform, which he still advocated, ‘he had now no pledges to give’.
Bentinck voted for the reintroduced reform bill at its second reading, 6 July 1831, and against adjourning its committee stage, 12 July, and making the 1831 census the criterion for English borough disfranchisements, 19 July. However, he was prepared to oppose the bill’s details and voted against the proposed disfranchisement of Appleby, 19 July, Downton, 21 July, St. Germans, 26 July, and Saltash, 26 July, and against taking a Member from Chippenham, 27 July, Guildford, 29 July, and Sudbury, 2 Aug. On Dorchester, 28 July, his name was included in both lists. He spoke for the proposal to give Brighton a second Member, 5 Aug. He may, as previously claimed elsewhere, have voted for Lord Chandos’s clause enfranchising £50 tenants-at-will, 18 Aug., but he is not named in the surviving partial lists, and he was certainly at Goodwood as usual for the racing.
It is no argument to state that, because we preserved the old 40s. in England, we should now create a new 40s. right of voting in Ireland. I was one of the individuals who opposed the disfranchisement of the 40s. freeholders in Ireland in 1829 and I did so because I then considered theirs a case of great hardship.
He supported the proposed inclusion of Kilmarnock in the Ayr district under the Scottish measure, 15 June 1832. He divided with government in both divisions on the Dublin election controversy, 23 Aug. 1831, on Portugal, 9 Feb., and the Russian-Dutch loan, 12 July, notwithstanding his hostile vote on this issue, 26 Jan. 1832.
Bentinck generally supported the Grey ministry’s expenditure proposals, but his individualism and reluctance to be restricted by party allegiance were evident on matters affecting trade. Mindful of the concerns of the King’s Lynn ship owners, whose complaints he cited, he voted for remission of the duties on quarantined vessels, 6 Sept. 1831, and he cast wayward votes for inquiry into the glove trade, 31 Jan., and a reduction in the duty on sugar, 7 Mar. 1832. Referring to the recent reform riots and the troubles in Jamaica, he considered complaints of the smallness of the reduction in the army estimates unwarranted and argued that ‘an increase could be justified’, 28 Mar. He opposed the malt drawback bill, claiming that it inflicted a new five-and-a-half per cent tax on Scotland, and before voting to amend it, 30 Mar., he said:
I spent the whole of the earlier part of my life in Scotland, and well remember that, fifteen years ago, there was not a single sailor on the Firth of Clyde, where I resided, who was not engaged in smuggling, as well as every other person along the coast. They did not look upon it as a crime, but followed it as an ordinary occupation, in which large profits were to be got. Now none of them are smugglers, and not one-tenth part of the revenue officers that used to be maintained are now kept up.
He divided against its third reading, 2 Apr. He voted against the recommittal of the Irish registry of deeds bill and the restoration of the registrar’s salary to £1,500, 9 Apr., and for Sadler’s proposals for permanent provision for the Irish poor, 19 June. He presented and endorsed his constituents’ petition against the Irish and Scottish vagrants bill, 13 July. He expressed support for the lord chancellor’s salary bill, 25 July, 2, 3 Aug., and cautioned against quibbling over the minutiae of the stage coach duty bill, 9 Aug. 1832. Replying to his critics among the reformers of King’s Lynn, who failed in their bid to unseat him at the general election in December, he cited his steady support for reform, retrenchment, religious liberty and the promotion of trade and added:
I have no disposition to crouch in servile obedience to any ministry, nor, on the other hand, to bend to the excitement of wild popular fury, but will endeavour to support such measures as may conduce to the welfare and happiness of the greatest number of people.
Portland mss PwH 151; Norf. Chron. 30 June, 7, 14 July, 15 Dec. 1832.
Bentinck retained his seat for life. He declined office under Grey in 1833 and was an unofficial whip for the ‘Derby Dilly’, which went over to the Conservative opposition with Stanley in July 1834. He refused to join Peel’s 1841 ministry, preferring to remain a champion of the Turf and reformer of the tote and the Jockey Club, but, outraged by the premier’s decision to repeal the corn laws, he sold his racing stud cheaply for £10,000 in 1846 in order to devote his time to the Protectionist party.
