Bankes, a descendent of the royalist Sir John Bankes†, chief justice of common pleas, was a well-to-do country gentleman of scholarly tastes, who throughout his career in Parliament prided himself on his self-proclaimed independence.
He had represented Corfe Castle since 1780, and at the general election of 1820 he was again returned there, on his own interest, with George Bankes. With a house in Old Palace Yard, at times the location of political meetings of his friends, he continued to be an assiduous attender of the Commons. He kept an extensive parliamentary journal, in which he not only summarized many speeches (his own included), but, showing the attention with which he listened to debates, also made shrewd and disinterested comments appraising the abilities of ministerial and opposition speakers.
Bankes, who thought that ministers had suffered significant losses at the election, sided with them on the civil list, 5, 8 May 1820.
Bankes was hostile towards Queen Caroline, believing her conduct made it unsuitable to include her name in the liturgy, but he thought it desirable for ministers to reach some discreet accommodation with her. In this he agreed with William Wilberforce, who consulted him about his adjournment motion on 7 June, and he spoke and presumably divided for Wilberforce’s compromise motion, 22 June 1820. He accompanied Wilberforce to present the Commons’ address to the queen, 24 June, when they were jostled by an angry crowd outside her house. Having in private told Lord Castlereagh, the foreign secretary, that he approved his plan for a short adjournment of the Commons while the affair was dealt with in the Lords, he voted for this, 26 June.
particularly dextrous in that sort of allowable but disingenuous perversion of terms which has always a momentous effect when well managed, and by selecting a word or two which I had made use of, such as ‘effective reform of Parliament’ and ‘disapprobation of the beginning, conduct and termination of the proceedings against the queen’, and ringing the changes upon these, with some invidious allusions to the borough which I represented, and some sarcastic observations upon the glorious peace ... made a reply highly gratifying to his friends, and indeed extremely well calculated to blunt the effect of my arguments as well as to lower my character for impartiality and disinterestedness.
Bankes jnl. 123.
He divided with ministers, 6 Feb. 1821.
Bankes voted with government on the conduct of the Allies towards Naples, 21 Feb., and for the higher £20 franchise at Leeds if it received Grampound’s seats, 2 Mar. 1821. He divided against Maberly’s motion on the state of the revenue, 6 Mar., but spoke and voted for reducing the size of the army, 15 Mar.
there was no other Member from whom the motion could so properly originate as from myself, and that if they were obliged to receive a lecture upon economy, they should be much better satisfied to submit to it from me than from Mr. Hume and their determined opponents, assuring me also that they were resolved to set forward in the work of retrenchment without loss of time.
Deciding that he ‘could not well refuse to undertake it’, he duly moved the anodyne amendment, which was criticized as a government trick, but passed by 174-94. Bankes, who was condemned by Bennet for being ‘at all times ready’ to be ministers’ ‘cat’s paw and tool’, acted as a teller.
Bankes, who was reappointed to the select committee on agricultural distress on 18 Feb., voted with ministers against more extensive tax reductions, 11, 21 Feb., and urged them to retain the element of compound interest in the sinking fund, 21, 25 Feb. 1822.
we can give no other sort of answer so convincing to the radical reformers as by showing them that, when a strong case is made out, the representative body as at present constituted is able and ready to counteract the wishes and influence of the government. These occasional defeats neither shake nor endanger ministers.
Colchester Diary, iii. 253.
He continued to seek assurances from ministers both privately, 14 Mar., and in the House, 28 Mar., that the operation of the sinking fund would be kept up. He divided against parliamentary reform, 25 Apr.
‘That old beast Bankes’, as Hudson Gurney* called him, had been disappointed in his aspirations for a seat for Dorset in 1806 and 1807, but offered again in February 1823, on the death of one of the Members, Edward Portman. He was said to be ‘personally unpopular even amongst his political friends’, and although he received many letters of support, several of these were conditional on his being unopposed. One possible opponent, although he was absent abroad, was Portman’s son and namesake, and Bankes’s old rival John Calcraft* led his campaign at the nomination meeting, 18 Feb. Bankes, who was given a noisy reception when he tried to vindicate his parliamentary conduct as an independent, promised to stand a poll, but withdrew in the face of another contest.
to say the truth, what may be called ill luck, for want of a better term, has been so predominant with regard to me in all that relates to this county that I felt an extreme unwillingness to embark again in vexation and charge, particularly with a diminished income and decreasing rents.
Bankes jnl. 141.
In his parting address, 19 Feb. 1823, he explained that he was returning to London to attend on the Catholic question, so he missed the unopposed election of Portman a few days later.
Bankes voted against the usury bill, 27 Feb. 1824. He complained about the destruction and unsuitable rebuilding of parts of the Palace of Westminster, 1 Mar., and secured a select committee, 23 Mar., when he was a teller for the majority in its favour and was appointed its chairman. He raised similar doubts over the repairs to Windsor Castle, 5 Apr., and presented his committee’s report, 14 May.
I moved as amendments, solely for the purpose of placing them upon the Journals, that Roman Catholics should not sit in either House of Parliament and that the commission composed of Roman Catholic bishops in Ireland should issue only if His Majesty should think fit and not compulsorily. The bill would in fact have been less objectionable without these precautions.
He divided in the minority to confine the use of the grant for the education of Prince George to Britain, 27 May, but otherwise voted with ministers on the duke of Cumberland’s annuity bill, 30 May, 6, 10 June 1825.
In September 1825 William Morton Pitt, the other county Member, announced his retirement and, as there was no risk of a contest, Bankes immediately offered for Dorset in his place. Pitt left the House early the following year and Bankes was returned unopposed, 16 Feb. 1826, when he declared that ‘I have never been a party man and never will be a party man’.
Bankes deplored the expense of British involvement in Portugal, 12 Dec. 1826. He presented a Dorset petition against Catholic relief, 2 Mar., and voted accordingly, 6 Mar. 1827.
Bankes, though relieved by the return of his friends to office under the duke of Wellington in early 1828, was nonetheless concerned that the exclusion of Eldon indicated a weakening of anti-Catholic support in the cabinet. He condemned the battle of Navarino and the treaties leading up to it, 29 Jan., and on the vote of thanks to Admiral Codrington on 14 Feb., as he recorded in his journal, ‘for fear of such a matter being so abruptly concluded, I began the debate in opposition to the prospective vote which was not in intention’.
Bankes, who was of course listed by Planta, the patronage secretary, as ‘opposed to the principle’ of the government’s Catholic emancipation bill, took the opportunity of speaking on the address, 5 Feb. 1829, to ask ministers what their intentions were. He made a furious speech against Peel, in which he also accused him of failing to suppress the mounting agitation for relief, 10 Feb., because, as he wrote in his journal that day
for myself, this abandonment of all principle and consistency vexed and grieved me, as lowering the standard of all public men in the estimation of the people and leading them to conclude that professions and declarations cannot be depended upon, and that whenever a doubt occurs between office and principle, the latter will inevitably kick the beam.
Ibid. 165.
He was, however, completely put down by Peel, who quoted Bankes’s speech of 22 June 1812, in which he had argued that political expediency was an honourable justification for a change in government policy. Hobhouse noted that ‘Bankes tried to explain and called Peel "the honourable Member", but it would not do. The odious man was defeated altogether’; and Greville commented that Peel ‘severely trimmed old Bankes, which gives me great pleasure, so much do I hate that old worn-out set’.
repeated and lengthened discussions, in several of which I bore a part: for in some previous meetings, which were held at the marquess of Chandos’s* house, I was desired to take the chief conduct of this important business and to manage the proceedings, adjournments and divisions, in which some of the Members did not attend to my advice so exactly as could have been wished.
He was delighted by the size of the minorities (which included himself) on the first two main divisions: 160 against the original resolution for emancipation, 6 Mar., and 173 against the second reading of the relief bill, 18 Mar., when he made a major speech on the dangers to church and state of extending political power to Catholics.
Sir Richard Vyvyan*, the Ultra leader, did not place Bankes on his list of adherents in the autumn of 1829, perhaps because he had found him disinclined to support an amendment to the address, and was concerned that ‘if he were to be consulted by others of our party upon the course which ought to be followed on the first day of the session, opinions like his might neutralize our exertions’.
yesterday they caught a rumour that Bankes meant to move an amendment on [Edward Davies] Davenport’s motion on Friday [the 5th] to the effect that ‘a select committee should be appointed to revise the taxes, and recommend such reductions and modifications of the system of taxation, as might relieve the country, without breach of the public faith’. All parties would have supported him. Goulburn immediately summons a cabinet, and the result is a determination to reduce some taxes and to give notice of his budget without delay.
Keele Univ. Lib. Sneyd mss.
Bankes sided with opposition for information on Portugal, 10 Mar., but he gave his vote, as he wrote in his journal, ‘with some doubt and indeed hesitation’ against condemning the affair at Terceira, 28 Apr. He spoke and voted for reducing the admiralty grant, 22 Mar., and inquiry into the revision of taxation, 25 Mar. Although he divided frequently with opposition for economies and retrenchment that session, he recorded in his journal several occasions when he voted with ministers on such matters.
By the autumn of 1830 Bankes, who was listed by ministers among the ‘doubtful doubtfuls’, had decided that Wellington should be removed from office:
I detest the means by which it is effected, but it will be for the public good in the present moment of excitement, discontent and insubordination bordering upon insurrection, that the government should be changed, and the sooner the duke resigns, it will be the better for his own safety and character and for the tranquillity of the nation.
Having made a speech which, according to Lord Howick*, ‘did a great deal more for us than any other’, he voted for a select committee (to which he was appointed) on the civil list, 15 Nov.
On the vacancy created by Calcraft’s suicide in September 1831, Wellington and others urged Bankes to offer in the Conservative cause, but neither he nor William would fight another contest. This disgusted some of the anti-reformers, and Herries complained to Mrs. Arbuthnot that ‘Old Bankes has never done anything but mischief in his life’. However, he gave his support to Lord Ashley*, voted for him and helped raise a subscription.
