A portly and bottlenosed bon vivant and unconscious buffoon, Curtis was the best-known of the City Members in this period, the leading spokesman for the corporation and mercantile interests and the most irresistible butt of the caricaturists. His family originated in Nottinghamshire, but his grandfather had settled at Wapping as a ships’ biscuit baker; his presbyterian father, and he and his brother Timothy, succeeded to the business in turn. Being ‘one of the enterprising sort’, Curtis proceeded to capture extensive markets at home and abroad, developing an interest in the whale fisheries and the shipping trade to the East Indies and contracting with government. In 1792 he became a founder partner in the Cornhill bank of Roberts, Curtis, Were, Hornyold, Berwick & Co.
As one of the City friends of government (even if he stressed his independence) Curtis first spoke in favour of the convention with Spain, though satirized as a disappointed warmonger, 14 Dec. 1790, and was listed hostile to the repeal of the Test Act in Scotland in April 1791. He spoke subsequently in favour of the address, 25 May 1972.
Curtis defended Pitt’s measures to alleviate commercial distress, 30 Apr. 1793, and subsequently became one of the confidential commissioners to grant aid to distressed merchants. As a militia colonel, he approved the City militia bill, 25 June 1794, 5 Jan. 1795, preferring a small trained force to an ‘armed multitude’. He was the corporation spokesman against the independent merchants’ proposal to erect new wet docks at Wapping, 8 Feb. 1796, believing that ‘a new city’ would thereby be established. Later (10 Mar. 1800) he presented a corporation counter-petition and was a teller against the scheme.
On the subject of the common hall petition against the seditious meetings bill, 3 Dec. 1795, Curtis, then lord mayor, said that the majority at common hall was not representative of the City as a whole; if he thought it was, he would resign his seat rather than be at variance with his constituents’ expressed wishes. With regard to the loan, he admitted that his bank was subscribing, £2½ million, but he was one of only three Members of Parliament among the 250 subscribers and did not see ‘why they or he should be corrupted by the circumstance’: in fact, ‘that he knew nothing of the loan till that honest fellow, his hairdresser told him in the morning of the circumstance’. On the strength of this, Curtis’s pronouncements were subsequently credited to
the profound information he receives from his barber whose opinions and intelligence, communicated to him in the morning, are conveyed to the House of Commons in the evening, no doubt to the great information of our national representatives.
Parl. Portraits, loc. cit.
Curtis again refused to accept the instructions of the London livery and censure ministers on the imperial loan, 1 Dec. 1796, regarding them as unrepresentative and an affront to his conscience, as also on Combe’s motion for the dismissal of ministers, 19 May 1797. He supported the Bank restriction bill, 27, 31 Mar. 1797, as an attempt to restore public credit. He supported Pitt’s loyalty loan in 1797, his firm subscribing £10,000 and his bank £30,000. He also favoured Pitt’s tax proposals, in defiance of his constituents:
Curtis was a foe to ‘the rival competition of speculators upon the necessaries of life’, 7 Dec. 1801, and in the years 1798-1802 demonstrated this by his concern to maintain steady prices in the grain market. (In 1796 his endeavour to keep down the price of bread had been treated as an election stunt.)
Curtis was one of Addington’s City friends and for his sake feasted the Whig politicians at Southgate in May 1802.
Curtis was similarly independent during the Grenville administration. While he voted for their repeal of the Additional Force Act, 30 Apr. 1806, he opposed their American intercourse bill, 22 May, 17 June, as an infringement of the Navigation Act; he had presented a London petition against the bill on 2 June. He had also deprecated the slave importation bill, 18 Apr., thinking slavery ‘an evil that could not be remedied’, though ‘he never purchased a slave himself’. He opposed the Globe Insurance bill, 24 June 1806.
After coming fourth in the poll in 1806, Curtis, who presented the London clergy petition against the Catholic bill, 9 Apr., jumped to second place in 1807 and supported the Portland administration. In March 1808 he defended their orders in council against a London petition. Although he did not believe the Duke of York had been guilty of corruption, 17 Mar. 1809, he ‘supposed he should be turned out of his seat for having voted for him’: he was in fact censured by his constituents for doing so. In the same year he accompanied the Walcheren expedition in his yacht, ‘carrying delicate refreshments of all kinds to the military and naval commanders, and the principal officers’. For this the ‘City gormandizer’ was mercilessly caricatured and subsequently appeared in sailor’s garb in the prints, dubbed ‘Alderman alias Commodore Curtis’.
Nevertheless, Curtis was about to change his tune: on 5 Dec. 1809 in a speech in common hall, met to censure the Walcheren expedition, he ‘abused the ministry’ for their divisions. This Brougham described as ‘a formidable symptom’, and added by way of explanation, ‘he is for his friend Castlereagh’.
Despite his absence during the election campaign of 1812, Curtis was regarded as quite safe for the City.
Curtis was one of the committee on and a consistent opponent of revision of the Corn Laws, 1813-15, and acted as teller against considering them in committee, 22 Feb. 1815: he said that the agricultural interest had been sufficiently protected, 17 Feb. On 6 Mar. he presented a monster City petition against them. On 1 May he deprecated (though obliged to act as teller for) another City petition he presented against the renewal of war and wartime taxation, the condemnation of which he had supported in common hall in January. It was rejected by 107 votes to 59. Yielding to public opinion and the evidence of distress, he supported subsequent petitions and was a stern critic of the continuation of the property tax, 13 Feb., 1, 18 Mar. 1816. On the last occasion, the House, ever prone to laugh at Curtis, cheered him. Yet he continued to vote with the majority on civil list questions, 14 Apr., 31 May 1815, 6, 24 May 1816; for the army estimates, 6 and 8 Mar. 1816; and was in the ministerial minority on the public revenue bill, 17 June 1816. On 7 Feb. 1817 he recorded his disapproval of parliamentary reform, but voted against ministers on the composition of the finance committee. He voted with administration against Ridley’s motion for retrenchment at the Admiralty, 25 Feb., and next day, as a member of the ‘secret committee’, he totally disagreed with his constituents in their petition against the suspension of habeas corpus. He refused to believe that the suspension was a threat to liberty and described the Spa Fields riot, during which, owing to his lameness, he had been confined to watching the magistrates’ operations from the Mansion House, as ‘treason and rebellion’ (24 June). In February 1818 Curtis was a querulous defender of the City corporation against Sumner’s allegations of corruption, and not for the first or last time, of his own reputation for honesty. He remained hostile to London petitions against the suspension of habeas corpus, 27 Feb. He favoured the ‘modified arrangement’ for provision for the royal dukes’ marriages, 13, 15 Apr. 1818, having been mustered by Lord Liverpool in support.
In 1818 Curtis, whose opposition to the expressed wishes of his constituents over the habeas corpus suspension had made him unpopular, was defeated in the City election. Nothing daunted, he gave a gala dinner to the Regent, the royal dukes and cabinet ministers. His friends hoped that a quiet seat would be found for him and he refused to become a peer with the style of Lord Tenterden.
far from being the personal friend of the Chief [the Regent] ... is the direct contrary, and ... the mere creature of the present ministry. If Lord L[iverpool] desired him tomorrow to vote for turning the Chief out of the R[egenc]y Sir William Curtis would be at the head of the ministers’ list.
He was alleged to have ‘extorted a kind of pledge’ from the Regent ‘at an unguarded moment’.
Farington in 1811 had this to say of Curtis:
He was brought up in the presbyterian line, and retains certain impressions of religion, which in the midst of his jovial proceedings occasionally makes him for a short time serious. He met J. Wells in the street and pressed him to go to a party to dinner. He talked of his way of life and expressed a desire to alter it; and during this conversation shed tears; but he afterwards went to a meeting where, as usual, he took his wine very freely. J. Wells called upon him at a time when he was confined to his bed with fever. A Quaker physician ... admonished him upon the necessity of becoming abstemious and told him he must live upon water gruel, to which he consented. The doctor then recommended to him to abstain from drinking champagne in future. This roused Sir William and he replied, ‘Not so, Doctor. I shall drink champagne whenever I can get it’.
Mrs Arbuthnot thought him ‘clever, intelligent ... full of anecdote and conversation’, but lacking in polish. Curtis died at his house in Ramsgate, 18 Jan. 1829.
