Barrymore’s father sat in James II’s Irish Parliament of May 1689; his elder brother was attainted by that body for remaining in England.
In 1715 Barrymore was returned for Wigan, where he had acquired the Rivers interest through his second marriage. On the outbreak of the rebellion he was among the officers who were dismissed or required to sell their regiments on security grounds.
Nobody has more thorough contempt for ministers and what is called men in great offices than I have. I cannot remember they ever did true service to their country, they minded indeed strengthening themselves to carry on private piques and getting as much money as they could, but I have observed that when such people fall out, now and then some good come on it, so it may prove now; for which reason I would not be absent at this juncture. It may be in a man’s vote at this time to do some good which, perhaps, may never again be in his power.
Rylands, Crawford mss.
Re-elected for Wigan in 1722, he stood down in 1727 but resumed his seat in 1734 to take part in the opposition to Walpole. On a vote for maintaining the army at its existing strength he wrote, 4 Feb. 1738:
We were terribly defeated yesterday, 248 against 164. The question was whether 12,000 or 17,704, which are now part of our constitution. I never knew more said for the reduction, or less against it. Sir Robert had recourse to his old friend, and called loudly on him for his assistance, the Pretender. ... And now I leave you and your neighbours to judge whether we have not a fine prospect, when the army is made a part of the constitution.
HMC 15th Rep. VII, 319.
Though mentioned in the Stuart correspondence in 1730,
Your faithful servants think by many incidents lately happened that the present juncture is much the most favourable that has been for many years, and if anything can be had from this side, I should not fear of success, but to make any attempt, unless a sufficient force was at hand to resort to, would only add strength to your enemies and certain ruin to your Majesty’s friends; what can be expected from hence I fear are only fair words, I wish I may be deceived, but am sure I succeeded in demonstrating the feasibleness of the undertaking.
Stuart mss 222/128.
At an interview with Fleury he ‘urged the affair with great earnestness and omitted nothing that might encourage him to enter upon it’ but only obtained a promise from the Cardinal to send a personal agent to England to report on the situation there.
I am sorry the gentleman who was here in July last made a report so different from what he seemed to me to have full satisfaction in. What new lies he acquired afterwards he knows best ... I need not trouble you further on that subject than to repeat that he might easily have seen people of great distinction and have freely conversed with them ... but the occasion is past and I shall mention it no more.
He added that it was impracticable to give written pledges, as had been ‘hinted at’ by Fleury, as ‘people can never be brought to run the risk’, but that ‘if a proper support appears they will join heart and hand, draw their swords, and throw away their scabbards’.
When in the spring of 1742 it was decided to send a British army to Flanders, Barrymore urged that as soon as the troops had sailed the Pretender should land with ‘ten thousand French troops upon the coast of Sussex, Kent or Essex, and march directly to London, where he was persuaded his Majesty would be received with general satisfaction, and joined by such numbers as would determine the rest of the kingdom to follow the example of the capital’.
After Fleury’s death in 1743 the French Government came round to the idea of an invasion and sent an agent to England to discuss plans for a simultaneous rising.
Towards the end of February, when the expedition was about to embark, the Government arrested a Jacobite agent, whose papers implicated Barrymore in the threatened invasion.
I have, my lords, a very good estate in Ireland, and, on that, I believe, fifteen hundred acres of very bad land; now by G-d, I would not risk the loss of the poorest acre of them to defend the title of any king in Europe, provided— it was not my interest.
J. R. Robinson, Last Earls of Barrymore, 3-4.
Next day the House of Commons was informed of his arrest and legislation was introduced for the suspension of Habeas Corpus. He remained under house arrest till the end of March, when, the French expedition having been abandoned, he was released on bail.
Throughout the rest of 1744 Barrymore sent messages to France pressing for an invasion. In May 1744 he urged that the situation was extremely favourable, with the country so denuded of troops and the people so exasperated against the Government by the suspension of Habeas Corpus and other emergency measures that, in his own words, ‘it will be over shoes, over boots, once landed’.
This is to acquaint you with the success we have had since our arrival in Scotland, and how far we are advanced without repulse. We are now a numerous army, and are laying siege to Carlisle this day ... After that we intend to take our route straight to London, and if things answer our expectations we design to be in Cheshire before the 24th inst. Then I hope you and all my friends in the county will be ready to join us. For now is the time or never.
But Barrymore was in London, and the letter was intercepted and handed over to the Cheshire magistrates by his eldest son Lord Buttevant, who was pro-Government.
After the collapse of the rebellion, Barrymore’s treasonable conversations in 1743 were disclosed by Murray of Broughton, turning King’s evidence; but the Government took no action apart from allowing the facts to be made public at Lord Lovat’s trial in 1747.
