Perceval’s strength, according to Horace Walpole, was ‘indefatigable application’. By the age of twenty he had published several anonymous political pamphlets and acquired a seat in the Irish Parliament, where his attacks on local abuses gave offense in government circles.
In 1747 Perceval, ‘rejected by Westminster and countenanced nowhere’, stood for Weobley, having obtained an assurance from Pelham that he would be ‘taken care of and assisted’,
as great a figure as perhaps was ever made in so short a time. He is very bold and resolved, master of vast knowledge, and speaks at once with fire and method. His words are not picked and chosen like Pitt’s, but his language is useful, clear and strong. He has already by his parts and resolution mastered his great unpopularity, so far as to be heard with the utmost attention, though I believe nobody had ever more various difficulties to combat. All the old corps hate him, on my father’s and Mr. Pelham’s account; the new part of the ministry on their own. The Tories have not quite forgiven his having left them in the last Parliament ... and besides all this, there is a faction in the Prince’s family ... who are for moderate measures.
To Mann, 4 Mar. 1749.
During the remaining two years of Frederick’s life Egmont, as he had become on the death of his father, was the Prince’s chief political adviser, drawing up for him detailed plans for the opening fortnight of the next reign, including drafts of the new King’s speeches to the Privy Council and Parliament, an analysis of the composition of the sitting House of Commons, with a view to the choice of its successor, and lists of dismissals and appointments, in the latter of which he himself figures as a future secretary of state. It was to him that Frederick wrote:
Let us remember both Henry IV and Sully, in all times these are our models, let us follow ’em in most all, except in their extravagances.
Add. 46977.
On the night of Frederick’s death the Princess sent Egmont to Carlton House to collect the Prince’s political papers, those relating to his accession plans being burnt in her presence at Leicester House by George Lee and Egmont, who, however, kept his own copies. Next morning he held a meeting of twenty-three members of the Opposition at his house, urging them ‘to remain united, to listen to no applications, not to discover any opinions of what was best to be done till we could see further; but determine to wait to see events [and] to stand by the Princess and her children’. He learned that his action was not approved by the Princess who, when told that he was ‘keeping our friends together for her as much as I could’, only said ‘if the Prince could not keep them together how shall I’, and suspected him of ‘making a faction’. She repeatedly excused herself from seeing him, though she had long conferences with Lee, who was in favour ‘of throwing ourselves disinterestedly into the hands of the Pelhams without conditions if the Princess was made Regent’. It became plain to him that she ‘thought it necessary for her own purpose to abandon all the Prince’s friends’, which he recognized was ‘not impolitic in her circumstances’.
Egmont died 20 Dec. 1770, having, in the words of the 2nd Lord Hardwicke, ‘made very little of his ambition. He did not draw well with others and could not abide Mr. Pitt’,
